Frances and Henry Grey were married in 1533, at her parent’s residence of Suffolk Place in Southwark. As the eldest surviving child of Mary Tudor, dowager Queen of France and Duchess of Suffolk, Frances was fourth in line to the throne after the children of Henry VIII, Edward, Mary and Elizabeth. When settling the succession, the king had instructed that his younger sister Mary’s line should be preferred over that of his older sister, Margaret. As a consequence, Frances was frequently at court.
The couple’s first child, a son, died young. They had three surviving daughters. The eldest, Jane, was born in October 1537, about the same time as her cousin Edward, the future King Edward VI; with the birth of the longed-for heir to the throne, Jane’s own birth went almost unnoticed. Jane would have been named after Henry VIII’s tragic queen, Jane Seymour, who died within two weeks of Edward’s birth.
Jane Grey would be known to history as the Nine Days’ Queen.
She was raised at the family home of Bradgate Park, near Leicester. Frances and Henry Grey are said to have been very strict parents who were not prone to expressions of love and affection; the children were used to sarcasm, cuffs and criticism. In her teenage years, Jane herself is said to have complained to the visiting scholar Roger Ascham:
‘When I am in the presence either of father or mother, whether I speak, keep silence, sit, stand or go, eat, drink, be merry or sad, be sewing, playing, dancing, or doing anything else, I must do it as it were in such weight, measure and number, even so perfectly as God made the world; or else I am so sharply taunted, so cruelly threatened, yea presently sometimes with pinches, nips and bobs and other ways (which I will not name for the honour I bear them) … that I think myself in hell.’1
Mary Tudor and Charles Brandon, Jane’s maternal grandparents
Jane enjoyed study and excelled in all fields, including Greek and philosophy. She was afforded a first-class education and from 1545 her tutor was John Aylmer. Aylmer had been sponsored through his studies at Cambridge by Jane’s father, the Marquess of Dorset, and was a brilliant academic. As a future courtier, Jane was given lessons in dance and music; probably including the popular instruments, the lute, spinet and virginal. In religion, Jane and her sisters were raised as ‘evangelicals’, the common word in the first half of the sixteenth century for Protestants. From the age of nine, Jane’s mother would have taken her to court from time to time, to familiarise her daughter with the court and her future duties as a Maid of Honour. Frances was at the time serving as a Lady of the Privy Chamber to the king’s sixth wife, Kateryn Parr, Henry VIII’s 6th and final wife.
In January 1547, King Henry VIII died and was succeeded by his 9-year-old son, Edward VI. Jane and Edward were first cousins, once removed,and it is entirely possible – even likely – that Frances and Henry harboured hopes that Jane would marry the young king. It was Henry VIII’s will that shaped and dominated Jane’s future. More than ten years before his death, Parliament had granted Henry the right to bequeath the crown where he desired, rather than by strict primogeniture. In his final will, dated 26 December 1546, Henry excluded the Stuart line of his elder sister Margaret and settled the succession, should his children die without heirs, on the descendants of his younger sister, Mary, Duchess of Suffolk. Should Edward, Mary and Elizabeth all die without producing a child of their own, Jane would be queen; although Henry probably still held out hope that Frances would produce a son who could inherit ahead of the sisters.
Henry Grey, Marquess of Dorset
The government of England was now in the hands of the boy-king’s uncle Edward Seymour, Earl of Somerset – soon to become duke of Somerset. Somerset and Henry Grey did not get along well and Grey, though he was the only marquess in England he was not appointed to the new king’s privy council. The younger brother of Somerset, Thomas Seymour, the Lord High Admiral of England and first Baron Seymour of Sudeley, having recently – and rather scandalously – married the king’s widow, proposed that he take on the wardship of Lady Jane. Henry Grey was reluctant, given the scandal attached to the hasty marriage of Queen Kateryn and Seymour just four months after the king’s death. However, Princess Elizabeth had already joined the dowager queen’s household and Seymour hinted at arranging a marriage between Jane and the young king when they were old enough, sweetening the deal with the offer of a payment of £2,000 for Jane’s wardship.
Joining the household of the dowager queen was a great opportunity for Jane, which would provide her with connections that would benefit herself and her family. And so, at ten years-old, Jane was given into the custody of Thomas Seymour and from then on was frequently in the household of Kateryn Parr, at Chelsea and later at Sudeley Castle. This was one of the happiest periods of Jane’s short life.
During her time in the dowager queen’s household, Jane got to know her cousin, Princess Elizabeth, better, though they never grew close. At thirteen, Elizabeth was too old to pay much attention to ten-year-old Jane. And despite her tender years, Elizabeth was rather self-contained and distant; she had already experienced the highs and lows of royal life, from being lauded as her father’s heir to being declared a bastard and knowing her mother was executed as a traitor. The princess had learned not to trust easily and to keep her own counsel. That Jane was, technically, Elizabeth’s heir, must have made the relationship more fractious in a world where one’s inheritance could be erased by an act of parliament.
Frances Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk
Jane must have enjoyed living in a household of well educated, inquisitive women. One wonders, though, if she was aware of other goings-on in the household, as Thomas Seymour paid excessive attention to Princess Elizabeth. This caused tensions within the household, especially after the queen fell pregnant and began to fear that Seymour saw Elizabeth as a suitable replacement should she die in childbirth. Fearful for the princess’s reputation – and of her husband’s intentions – Elizabeth was sent away by Kateryn. Jane was now the most senior lady in the queen dowager’s household. And when Kateryn died a week after giving birth to her only child, Lady Mary Seymour, it was 11-year-old Jane who acted as chief mourner at her funeral, walking behind the queen’s coffin from the house to the chapel at Sudeley.
After the funeral, the queen’s household was broken up and Jane sent home to her parents. Within a few weeks, however, Thomas Seymour, now over the first stages of grief at losing his wife, given the blow to his finances and status the queen’s death had caused, realised that he could yet regain some standing if he resumed his guardianship of Jane. It took some persuading, but Seymour assured Henry and Frances that Jane would be well cared for and under the supervision of his mother. Although the late dowager queen’s women were still in Seymour’s household, the atmosphere had changed; and as Seymour’s ambitions came under suspicion from the Privy Council, it must have been an uncomfortable place for Jane to be. Amid rumours that Thomas Seymour was intending to marry Princess Elizabeth, he was arrested, as were Elizabeth’s servants. Elizabeth herself continued to insist that she would never agree to marry anyone without the Council’s permission.
Seymour was condemned for high treason by Act of Attainder and executed on 20 March 1549. On Seymour’s arrest, Jane had returned to Dorset House, her family’s London residence. Henry Grey may have seen his own hopes of advancement and Jane’s marriage to Edward VI disappear at Seymour’s arrest, but he must have been relieved that at least he had survived the affair with his head still on his shoulders. Besides, the wheel of fortune was about to turn his way. People were becoming increasingly disenchanted with Somerset’s rule and in the wake of Kett’s Rebellion in Norfolk, by 14 October it was Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset, who was lodged in the Tower under arrest. John Dudley, Earl of Warwick and future Duke of Northumberland, took the reins of government. Henry Grey was finally appointed to the Privy Council and received numerous rewards of office and grants of lands and lordships.
King Edward VI
Jane’s marriage was never far from the minds of those in power. Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset had wanted to marry Jane to his oldest son and heir, the earl of Hertford, also called Edward. Nothing had come of this plan by the time of Somerset’s fall. Before that, as early as 1541, the French Ambassador had proposed that she marry Charles, Duke of Orléans, third son of King Francis I, but the boy died in 1545. John Dudley initially favoured a marriage between Jane and the king. The children born of such a marriage would secure the succession and guarantee the continuance of the new religion within England’s borders. It would also resolve the problems associated with the succession of Mary or Elizabeth. Jane and Edward were good friends and corresponded regularly, but neither Jane nor Edward appeared enthusiastic about the suggestion and the idea was dropped, for the time being.
By February of 1553, the point was moot.
The young king was ill again, and it was becoming apparent that he was dying. Those around him started looking to the problem of the succession. The next in line was Princess Mary, a committed Catholic who would undo all the work Edward had done in advancing the Reformation. Edward could not pass over Mary’s claim to the crown in favour of Elizabeth, so chose to exclude all females from the succession and his ‘Device’ would leave the crown to ‘the Lady Jane’s heirs male’. As his health failed him, in June King Edward changed the wording of the Device to ‘The Lady Jane and her heirs male.’ Further arguments for excluding Mary and Elizabeth centred on their legitimacy – open to question after Henry VIII had, at various times, declared them both illegitimate – and the fear that they would marry outside of England.
Jane, on the other hand, was married to Lord Guildford Dudley, the fifteen-year-old son of John Dudley, now Duke of Northumberland and Lord President of the Council. Their parents saw the young couple as an alternative, Protestant king and queen to the Catholic Mary. The wedding had taken place in May 1553 in Dudley’s London home, Durham House. The young couple had been reluctant to marry and were bullied into it by their parents.
Edward VI’s ‘Devise for the Succession’
Aged just fifteen, King Edward VI died at Greenwich Palace on 6 July 1553. He was unmarried and left no heir. As the king lay dying Mary was summoned to the council, but instead rode to Kenninghall in Norfolk, with Robert Dudley despatched to intercept her with orders to take the princess to a place of safety. On 8 July, Mary heard the news of the king’s death and the following day proclaimed herself queen, despatching a letter to the Privy Council, ordering them to endorse her claim. She then moved to the formidable fortress of Framlingham Castle, where thousands flocked to her standard. Princess Elizabeth initially stayed away, pleading illness, watching and waiting to see how events played out. On 9 July the Privy Council summoned Lady Jane, recuperating from an illness at Chelsea, to appear before them. Dudley’s daughter, Mary Sidney, was sent to escort Jane by barge to Syon House, where she was greeted by two nobles who knelt before her, kissed her and informed her that Edward had nominated her as his successor. John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland and now father-in-law of the new queen, gave a lengthy speech, informing all present that King Edward’s wish had been for Jane to succeed him. Jane was left trembling and speechless before she fell to the ground, crying and declaring
I am insufficient to fill the role.2
Jane’s reaction to the proclamation of her accession to the throne suggests that she was not aware of the plans of Edward, Dudley and her father to make her queen. Though she was a clever girl and may well have suspected what was afoot. The next morning, dressed in the green and white of the Tudors and accompanied by her husband Guildford dressed equally splendidly in white and gold, Jane was escorted to the Tower in a procession of barges. There were no flags being waved, and no crowds lining the river to get a glimpse of their new queen. London was only just learning of the king’s death. Jane was greeted at the Tower by the Marquess of Winchester and Sir John Bridges, Lieutenant of the Tower, and various other civilian and military officials. Winchester knelt before the young queen and presented the keys to the fortress. John Dudley stepped forward and took them. Jane then made her ceremonial entrance into the White Tower and, with flags flying, a fanfare of trumpets and guns firing in salute, was seated under the canopy of state. The crown was brought to her, but she initially refused to wear it, only putting it on when Winchester persuaded her that he wished to see how it suited her.
Mary I
On one matter, Jane was adamant. She refused to make Guildford king: ‘If the crown belongs to me, I would be content to make my husband a duke. But I will never consent to make him king.’3 Royal blood flowed through Jane’s veins, not her husband’s. Apparently, Guildford fled the room in tears, but his parents were hopeful that Jane could be persuaded to change her mind. After all, they lived in a patriarchal society and no one expected that a woman could actually rule in her own right.
The Privy Council and leading judges declared Jane the new Queen of England.
That Sunday, at St Paul’s Cross, Bishop Ridley preached that as bastards, Mary and Elizabeth were unfit for the crown and that Mary’s Catholicism was a particular threat to the country, exposing it to foreign influence. A devout Protestant, Jane was seen as the symbol of continuity for the Protestant faith, untainted by any previous declarations of illegitimacy. However, there was no rejoicing and only the herald could be heard to shout ‘Long live the Queen!’
For 9 days, Jane was England’s first female monarch.
By 12 July, Mary and her supporters had gathered at Framlingham, Suffolk. Within days, the duke of Northumberland rode out of London with 3,000 men, promising to capture or kill Mary. Jane ordered the gates to the Tower be locked and the keys given to her. On 18 July, Jane began raising troops to be led against rebels in Buckinghamshire. But as Northumberland left London, everything began to fall apart. Rumours circulated that Mary had a force of 30,000. Londoners refused to rally to the duke’s army.
Northumberland’s coup collapsed.
On 19 July, Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, declared in favour of Mary. He entered his daughter’s chamber, where she sat at dinner under a canopy of state, and dramatically tore down the hangings. The next day, the Privy Council proclaimed Mary as Queen of England. And Jane went from being queen to a prisoner in the Tower of London; she was taken from the royal apartments to the Gentleman Gaoler’s lodgings. Her mother and ladies-in-waiting were allowed to return home, which they did without delay.
Mary was crowned on 1 October 1533, and Jane’s younger sisters Katherine and Mary became maids of honour to the new queen. Frances, too, was welcomed at court. John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, Jane’s father-in-law, had been tried and convicted of high treason and executed on 22 August 1553. After just a few days in the Tower, Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, was pardoned and allowed to go home to his wife.
As for Jane, in November, she, her husband and two of his brothers were tried and convicted of high treason. Mary was willing to be merciful and spared their lives, for the moment. Jane was kept in comfortable confinement and may have hoped that she would eventually be released, had her father not involved himself in yet another plot…
Princess Elizabeth, the future Queen Elizabeth I
Opposed to Mary’s proposed marriage to Philip of Spain, the Wyatt rebellion, led by Sir Thomas Wyatt, the son of the poet who was an admirer of Anne Boleyn, aimed to overthrow Mary. The intent was to marry Princess Elizabeth to Edward Courtney, Earl of Devon and a descendant of Edward IV, and put Elizabeth on the throne. As Wyatt raised an army in Kent, Grey was raising forces in the Midlands. However, Wyatt’s forces were overwhelmed as London closed its gates to them and Grey was arrested at his manor of Astley. He was taken prisoner, arraigned for his treason, condemned, and executed at the Tower on 23 February 1554, less than a month after his brief rebellion began.
Though she was in no way implicated in the rebellion, her father’s actions had already sealed Jane’s fate; her very existence as a possible figurehead for Protestant discontent made her an unacceptable danger to the state. The queen could no longer afford to be merciful, and Mary signed the death warrant for Jane and Guildford; the sentence for Jane was commuted from burning to beheading. She received a few days’ stay of execution while Mary sent the dean of St Paul’s, John Feckenham, to her to try and persuade Jane to accept the Catholic faith. But Jane remained steadfast, writing ‘Lord, thou God and father of my life, hear me poor and desolute woman, arm me, I beseech thee, with thy armour, that I may stand fast.’4
The night before her execution, aware that her father, by now also imprisoned in the Tower, was in great distress over her fate, Jane wrote a final letter to him:
‘Father, although it pleases God to hasten my death by one by whom my life should rather have been lengthened; yet can I so patiently take it, that I yield God more hearty thanks for shortening my woeful days, than if all the world had been given into my possession, with life lengthened at my own will. And albeit I am assured for your impatient dolours redoubled manifold ways, both in bewailing your own woe, and especially, as I hear, my unfortunate state; yet, dear father (if I may without offence rejoice in my own mishaps), herein I may account myself blessed, that washing my hands with the innocence of my fact, my guiltless blood may cry before the Lord, ‘Mercy to the innocent!’5
The Execution of Lady Jane Grey by Paul Delaroche
At ten the next morning Guildford Dudley was taken from the Tower and escorted to Tower Hill for his execution. Jane watched him leave from her window. As Jane walked to her own execution, Guildford’s body was carried into the Tower’s chapel, St Peter Ad Vincula, for burial. Dressed in black, Jane mounted the scaffold by the White Tower. Speaking to the assembled crowd, she performed the traditional admission of guilt, saying that she had acted against the queen’s highness, though qualified it with:
‘Touching the procurement and desire thereof by me or on my behalf, I do wash my hands thereof in innocence.’6
Having said her piece, and her prayers, Jane gave her gloves and handkerchief to Elizabeth Tilney and her prayer book to Thomas Bridges, the brother of the Lieutenant of the Tower. Jane then removed her gown, headdress and neckerchief as the executioner knelt to ask her forgiveness, which Jane gave willingly.
Jane knelt and, with her handkerchief tied over her eyes, she had to feel for the block and cried out ‘What shall I do? Where is it?’ when she couldn’t find it.7 One of those close by guided her to the block.
Her final words were ‘Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit!’8
She was despatched with one stroke of the axe.
Notes:
1 .Lady jane Grey quoted in Jill Armitage, Four Queens and a Countess: Mary Queen of Scots, Elizabeth I, Mary I, Lady Jane Grey and Bess of Hardwick, p. 54; 2. Jill Armitage, Four Queens and a Countess: Mary Queen of Scots, Elizabeth I, Mary I, Lady Jane Grey and Bess of Hardwick, p. 68; 3. ibid; 4. Leanda de Lisle, The Sisters Who Would Be Queen, p. 146; 5. ibid, p. 148; 6. ibid, p. 150; 7. ibid, p. 151; 8. ibid, p. 152
Images:
Courtesy of Wikipedia
Sources:
Jill Armitage, Four Queens and a Countess: Mary Queen of Scots, Elizabeth I, Mary I, Lady Jane Grey and Bess of Hardwick; Leanda de Lisle, The Sisters Who Would Be Queen; Amy Licence, Tudor Roses; Amy Licence, The Sixteenth Century in 100 Women; Haynes (ed.), State papers, Vol. VI; Amy Licence, In Bed with the Tudors; Erin Lawless, Forgotten Royal Women: The King and I; David Loades, editor, Chronicles of the Tudor Kings: The Tudor Dynasty from 1485 to 1553: Henry VII, Henry VIII and Edward VI in the Words of their Contemporaries; ODNB.com; Tracy Borman, The Private Lives of the Tudors; Sarah Gristwood, The Tudors in Love: The Courtly Code Behind the Last Medieval Dynasty; John Cannon, editor, The Oxford Companion to British History; Arthur D. Innes, A History of England Under the Tudors; J.D. Mackie, The Earlier Tudors 1485-1558
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The Two Princes Edward and Richard in the Tower, 1483 by Sir John Everett Millais
I don’t usually start my articles with a disclaimer, but with this one, I think I will. The Princes in the Tower is always a hot topic, after all. So, I will warn you. Here, I am going to look into the life of Lady Katherine Gordon, rather than the veracity of the claim of her husband, Perkin Warbeck/Prince Richard, to being the younger of the two lost Princes. I am giving you the information and evidence that Katherine would have been presented with at the time, and not making any actual judgements. I will leave that to others who have spent much more time on the study of the Princes than I.
Lady Katherine Gordon was, by all accounts, a beautiful woman, with connections, though distant, to the Scottish royal family. She was the daughter of George Gordon, second Earl of Huntly, and his third wife, Elizabeth Hay. George Gordon had previously been married to Annabella Stewart, a great-aunt of James IV, meaning that Katherine was distantly related to the king by marriage.
Katherine first came to prominence in 1496, when she was given as a bride to Richard, Duke of York, the younger son of Edward IV and one of the Princes in the Tower. ‘Richard’ had recently emerged from hiding to claim the English throne, and after having spent some years on the Continent had been welcomed at the Scottish court in the autumn of 1495, probably simply to antagonise the English king, Henry VII, rather than in a genuine belief in his claim to be one of the lost princes. It would later be revealed that Richard was actually an impostor named Perkin Warbeck, from the Flemish city of Tournai. But that was by no means clear when he was residing at the Scottish court and several Continental royals, including the lost prince’s aunt Margaret of York, Duchess of Burgundy, had supported his claim to be Richard, Duke of York.
King James IV was probably hedging his bets as to Richard’s real identity when he offered Katherine Gordon in marriage. Katherine had just enough royal credentials to be a suitable bride for an English prince but was not too royal that King James would be embarrassed should Richard prove to be an impostor. And if Richard was successful in overthrowing Henry VII and claiming the English throne, James would have a friend as his neighbour in England. For James, it was worth the gamble and for Richard, it meant that he could count on Scottish support. The Scots king welcomed Richard to court with all honours due to an English prince. He treated Richard like an honoured royal guest, dressed him like a king, gave him a pension and took him on a progress through the kingdom. There is a letter purportedly written by Prince Richard to Lady Katherine in December 1495, just weeks before their wedding, which suggests he is highly enthusiastic about the match:
King Edward V and the Duke of York in the Tower of London by Paul Delaroche.
Most noble lady, it is not without reason that all turn their eyes to you; that all admire, love, and obey you. For they see your two-fold virtues by which you are so much distinguished above all other morals. Whilst, on the one hand, they admire your riches and immutable prosperity, which secure to you the nobility of your lineage and the loftiness of your rank, they are, on the other hand, struck by your rather divine than human beauty, and believe that you are not born in our days, but descended from Heaven.
All look at your face, so bright and serene that it gives splendour to the cloudy sky; all look at your eyes as brilliant as stars, which makes all pain to be forgotten, and turn despair into delight; all look at your neck, which outshines pearls; all look at your fine forehead, your purple light of youth, your fair hair; in one word, at the splendid perfection of your person; and looking at, they cannot choose but admire you; admiring, they cannot choose but love you; loving, they cannot choose but obey you.
I shall, perhaps, be the happiest of all your admirers, and the happiest man on earth, since I have reason to hope you will think me worthy of your love. If I represent to my mind all your perfections, I am not only compelled to love, to adore, and to worship you, but love makes me your slave. Whether waking or sleeping, I cannot find rest or happiness except in your affection. All my hopes rest in you, and in you alone.
Most noble lady, my soul, look mercifully down upon me your slave, who has ever been devoted to you from the first hour he saw you. Love is not an earthly thing, it is heaven born. Do not think it below yourself to obey love’s dictates. Not only kings, but also gods and goddesses have bent their necks beneath its yoke.
I beseech you, most noble lady, to accept for ever one who in all things will cheerfully do your will as long as his days shall last. Farewell, my soul and my consolation. You, the brightest ornament of Scotland, farewell, farewell.1
James IV, copy by Daniël Mijtens of a lost contemporary portrait
The marriage between the man claiming to be Richard of York and Katherine Gordon was celebrated on 13 January 1496. Richard was given a white damask ‘spousing’ gown for the occasion. Other gifts included a purple damask-covered suit of armour, six servants, two trumpeters and a French armourer. Richard was also awarded an annual pension of £1, 344.2 The ceremony was followed by a series of jousts in which the king of Scots himself participated, though there is no evidence that Prince Richard did; he probably watched the jousts in the company of his bride. Katherine was now referred to as duchess of York. The newlyweds then travelled with the king to the palace at Falkland in Fife to wait out the winter in anticipation of the campaigning season and Richard’s invasion of England to claim the throne.
James, too, was intent on invading England, despite pressure from both the Spanish and French monarchs. James insisted that the English had started the conflict by destroying his ships and cattle. In September 1496, James invaded Northumberland but returned to Scotland after only three days – no one in England had risen in support of Richard, Duke of York. As the year 1496 ended, Richard was no closer to invading England and was spending less time with King James, instead staying with his wife Katherine at Falkland Palace. In the meantime, King Henry VII’s spies had been at work on the Continent, discovering the true identity of Prince Richard.
King James IV’s priorities now changed. He was seeking peace with Henry VII, and a bride. In July 1497, James was negotiating with Henry to marry the English king’s eldest daughter, Margaret, though she was only eight years old at the time. Henry VII made one of the conditions of the peace that James ‘delyvere unto us Perkyn Werbek’.3 Although the Scots king was amenable to the suggestion, Warbeck was not available to be handed over to the English.
On 6 July, he and his wife set sail from Ayr after 19 months in Scotland. He left behind a brown horse, to be used to settle any debts that may still be outstanding. The ship, a French merchant vessel known as the Cukow, carried Warbeck, Katherine and 30 of Warbeck’s followers. Its hold was stocked with provisions including wine, bread, salt beef, mutton, cheese and fish. Although the king had not been present to bid them farewell, he had provided Katherine with some cloth to make a gown suitable for wearing aboard ship. What had spurred Warbeck to leave Scotland at this particular time is unclear. It may have been the burgeoning peace between James IV and Henry VII, or it may have been news of the Cornish uprising, which had erupted after King Henry had implemented a tax to raise funds for war against Scotland. It may be that Warbeck thought to join this rebellion.
Henry VII painted by an unknown artist
Katherine and her pretender-prince sailed first for Ireland, arriving in Cork on 25 July 1497. After spending a month in Ireland trying to raise troops to their cause, they sailed for Cornwall, making landfall at Whitesand Bay on 7 September with a small flotilla with just a hundred or so people on board. Warbeck’s first action after landing was to make his way to the parish of St Buryan, four miles inland, where he left Katherine to await news of his military campaign. He then headed further into Cornwall, recruiting along the way. It is estimated that by the time he reached Bodmin, Warbeck had an army of between three and five thousand men. After failing to take Exeter from the earl of Devon, Warbeck and his forces marched towards Taunton. The earl of Devon then set off in pursuit and cut off his line of retreat back into Cornwall.
Another royal army moved down from Oxfordshire into Somerset, reaching Glastonbury on 19 September, the same day Warbeck had reached Taunton – just twenty miles away. Warbeck was cornered and, losing his nerve, attempted to flee in the dead of night. With only sixty men, Warbeck sought sanctuary at Beaulieu Abbey in Hampshire on 22 September. Where most religious houses that offered sanctuary could only provide it for a limited period of forty days, Beaulieu was one of those with an exemption, which meant those seeking it could remain in sanctuary there for the remainder of their lives. By early October, Warbeck had been persuaded to surrender and under strong guard was taken to face the king, who was now at Taunton.
16th-century copy by Jacques Le Boucq of the only known contemporary portrait of Warbeck, Library of Arras
The king and his prisoner then proceeded to Exeter where Perkin Warbeck was reunited with his wife. Katherine had been retrieved from St Buryan’s by a force sent by King Henry. When she was found, she was dressed in robes of mourning, which may suggest that she had already been apprised of her husband’s failure, or that she had recently lost a child. We do not know. As the young woman was presented to Henry VII, she was ‘ashamed and tearful’.4 The chronicler Polydore Vergil described the meeting: ‘When the king saw the woman’s beauty he promptly judged her worthy to be among the captive hostages of a general rather than a common soldier.’5 The king perceived Katherine’s nobility and resolved to afford her a more honourable status than he had previously planned. This meant, inevitably, that she would be separated from Warbeck.
Warbeck had been promised his life, but in the same interview the king insisted that Perkin Warbeck publicly admit, in front of his wife, the extent of his deception; that he was not, in fact, the duke of York, and that he was an impostor from Tournai. It may well be that Katherine was not wholly surprised by the confession. She must have heard the stories and accusations, but to hear the confession from her husband’s lips must have been hard to take. She was not duchess of York, she was Mrs Perkin Warbeck. The revelation put their very marriage in doubt. He had married her under a false identity, as Richard, Duke of York. Katherine put herself into the hands of the king.
Henry VII treated Katherine kindly, though he would not send her back home to Scotland. Instead, she was sent to London to serve in the household of Queen Elizabeth. The king purchased horses and saddles for her journey and presented Katherine with new clothes, including a satin gown and a black velvet bonnet. Katherine arrived at Sheen on 21 October and was presented to the queen, the woman she had believed to be her sister-in-law until Warbeck had made his confession. Katherine was given a position in the queen’s household and a pension, not as the wife of the pretender, but in her own right as a high-ranking Scottish noblewoman. When the king returned to London, bringing Warbeck with him, the two lived separately within the royal household. They were well treated but not permitted to sleep together. Katherine also resumed her maiden name.
Tower of London
In June 1498, in spite of the lenient treatment he had received from the king, Perkin Warbeck chose to abscond from Westminster Palace. He was recaptured within a couple of days, having only reached the Carthusian priory at Sheen, just seven miles from Westminster. Although he still escaped the executioner’s axe, the king was no longer minded to be so lenient and sent Warbeck, after a spell in the stocks, to close confinement within the Tower of London.
Katherine’s own situation does not appear to have been threatened by Warbeck’s recklessness and in June 1499 she accompanied the king and queen to Calais for a meeting with Archduke Philip and his wife Juana of Castile, the sister of their future daughter-in-law Catherine of Aragon. Later in the same year Perkin Warbeck, having tried to escape with fellow prisoner Edward, Earl of Warwick, was accused of conspiring against the king. And this time he was not going to get away with it. As it had been established that he was not noble, Warbeck was executed by hanging, not beheading, at Tyburn on 23 November 1499. Warwick was beheaded on Tower Hill five days later.
Katherine’s marital status had been ambiguous since the discovery of Warbeck’s deception, but she was now definitively free to remarry. We know not whether she was saddened or relieved at the execution of Warbeck. She may have felt nostalgic for the short time they had been together, or grateful that the man who betrayed her was no longer able to cast a shadow over her life and future; or both. We will never know. Katherine remained at court and as one of the queen’s ladies was present at the betrothal ceremony of James IV and Margaret Tudor, held at Richmond in January 1502. When the queen, Elizabeth of York, died in February 1503 Katherine was one of the chief mourners at her funeral, accompanying the procession from the Tower of London to Westminster Abbey behind the queen’s sisters. And at the Abbey, she laid her pall on the coffin, again, after the queen’s sisters. After the queen’s death, Katherine remained at court, keeping the king company: she played cards with him, acquired medicines for him when he was ill and painted cloths and religious scenes to be held before him as he lay dying.
Fyfield Manor, Berkshire, Katherine’s home with her last husband
After Warbeck’s fall, Katherine Gordon had been taken prisoner, but her noble status had allowed her to be accepted at court as one of the queen’s ladies. Katherine never remarried in the lifetime of either Elizabeth of York or Henry VII. She was no longer a prisoner, but still not entirely free. Shortly before Henry VII’s death, Katherine was granted land in Berkshire, on the condition that she would not leave England. Following Henry VII’s death, sometime between 1510 and 1512 Katherine married James Strangeways, a Gentleman Usher of the King’s Chamber, but he died in 1516, leaving all his property to Katherine. The following year, Katherine married Matthew Craddock, a Welsh knight from Glamorganshire, obtaining permission to live with him in Wales; her promise to never leave England making such a request necessary. From 1525 to 1530, Katherine was employed in the household of Henry VIII’s daughter Mary as Chief Lady of the Privy Chamber. Katherine was widowed once again in 1531, with Craddock making her executor of his will and leaving her income from some of his Welsh properties in addition to 500 marks. Sometime before 1536 Katherine married for a fourth and final time. Her husband, Christopher Ashton, was a Gentleman Usher of the Privy Chamber. Katherine spent the last years of her life on her lands in Berkshire, at Fyfield Manor.
St Nicholas Church, Fyfield, where Katherine was buried
Survived by her last husband, she died on 14 October 1537, forty years almost to the day after Perkin Warbeck had been captured at Beaulieu Abbey. In her will she refers to all of her husbands, save Warbeck. She leaves bequests to Margaret Kyme, the daughter of Elizabeth of York’s sister, Cecily, to her servant, Philippa Hulls and to Alice Smyth, whom Katherine refers to as her sister.6 Perhaps she was a sister of one of Katherine’s husbands. There is no mention of any children and although there has been speculation that Katherine and Warbeck had a child, there is no evidence of this beyond a report by the Venetian ambassador Adrian Trevisano from September 1497,in which he says Warbeck had arrived in Cornwall ‘leaving behind his wife and children’.7 This may well have been a misunderstanding as there is no further mention of children from Trevisano or any other sources. Katherine was buried in the chancel of the church of St Nicholas at Fyfield. A tomb there, missing its brasses, is still referred to as Lady Gordon’s Monument.
Lady Katherine Gordon had survived the fallout from her first husband’s rebellions and conspiracies and made a life for herself at the English court. She appears to have been considered a dupe to Warbeck’s plotting, rather than a co-conspirator. Her position as the daughter of a Scottish earl and a distant relative of the king of Scots afforded her the chance to make a new life for herself as one of the queen of England’s ladies and she grabbed the opportunity in both hands. She went from being a royal captive to a trusted and loved member of the English court. Not all female prisoners would be so fortunate.
Notes:
1. ‘December 1494’ in CSPM pp. 72-79 quoted in Nathen Amin, Henry VII and the Tudor Pretenders, p. 219; Nathen Amin, Henry VII and the Tudor Pretenders, p. 220; 3. ibid; 4. Bernard André quoted in ibid, p. 269; Polydore Vergil quoted in ibid, p. 269; 6. Susan Abernethy, ‘The Life of Lady Katherine Gordon’; 7. Nathen Amin, Henry VII and the Tudor Pretenders, p. 327
Nathen Amin, Henry VII and the Tudor Pretenders; Susan Abernethy, ‘The Life of Lady Katherine Gordon’; Amy Licence, The Sixteenth Century in 100 Women; Amy Licence, In Bed with the Tudors; Erin Lawless, Forgotten Royal Women: The King and I; David Loades, editor, Chronicles of the Tudor Kings: The Tudor Dynasty from 1485 to 1553: Henry VII, Henry VIII and Edward VI in the Words of their Contemporaries; David Ross, Scotland: History of a Nation; ODNB.com; Tracy Borman, The Private Lives of the Tudors; Sarah Gristwood, The Tudors in Love: The Courtly Code Behind the Last Medieval Dynasty; John Cannon, editor, The Oxford Companion to British History; Arthur D. Innes, A History of England Under the Tudors; J.D. Mackie, The Earlier Tudors 1485-1558.
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My Books
Signed, dedicated copies of all my books are available through my online bookshop.
OUT NOW! Heroines of the Tudor World
Heroines of the Tudor World tells the stories of the most remarkable women from European history in the time of the Tudor dynasty, 1485-1603. These are the women who ruled, the women who founded dynasties, the women who fought for religious freedom, their families and love. These are the women who made a difference, who influenced countries, kings and the Reformation. In the era dominated by the Renaissance and Reformation, Heroines of the Tudor World examines the threats and challenges faced by the women of the era, and how they overcame them. From writers to regents, from nuns to queens, Heroines of the Tudor World shines the spotlight on the women helped to shape Early Modern Europe.
Two cousins. On the one side is Empress Matilda, or Maud. The sole surviving legitimate child of Henry I, she is fighting for her birthright and that of her children. On the other side is her cousin, Queen Matilda, supporting her husband, King Stephen, and fighting to see her own son inherit the English crown. Women of the Anarchy demonstrates how these women, unable to wield a sword, were prime movers in this time of conflict and lawlessness. It show how their strengths, weaknesses, and personal ambitions swung the fortunes of war one way – and then the other.
King John’s Right-Hand Lady: The Story of Nicholaa de la Haye is the story of a truly remarkable lady, the hereditary constable of Lincoln Castle and the first woman in England to be appointed sheriff in her own right. Available from all good bookshops Pen & Sword Books, bookshop.org and Amazon. Defenders of the Norman Crown: The Rise and Fall of the Warenne Earls of Surrey tells the fascinating story of the Warenne dynasty, from its origins in Normandy, through the Conquest, Magna Carta, the wars and marriages that led to its ultimate demise in the reign of Edward III. Available from Pen & Sword Books, Amazon in the UK and US, and Bookshop.org.
Alternate Endings: An anthology of historical fiction short stories including Long Live the King… which is my take what might have happened had King John not died in October 1216. Available in paperback and kindle from Amazon.
Podcast:
Have a listen to theA Slice of Medieval podcast, which I co-host with Historical fiction novelist Derek Birks. Derek and I welcome guests, such as Bernard Cornwell – and Tony Riches. We discuss a wide range of topics in medieval history, from significant events to the personalities involved.
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Don’t forget!Signed and dedicated copies of all my books are available through my online bookshop.
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In 2017, when I published Heroines of the Medieval World, it was a dream come true – to actually write and publish a book! I never imagined, then, that I would still be writing books 7 years later, nor that I would get the opportunity to write a sequel!
But here it is!
Continue reading for a chance to win a signed copy of Heroines of the Tudor World in my Publication Day GIVEAWAY!
Heroines of the Tudor World tells the stories of the most remarkable women from European history in the time of the Tudor dynasty, 1485-1603.
These are the women who ruled, the women who founded dynasties, the women who fought for religious freedom, their families and love.
These are the women who made a difference, who influenced countries, kings and the Reformation. In the era dominated by the Renaissance and Reformation, Heroines of the Tudor World examines the threats and challenges faced by the women of the era, and how they overcame them. Some famous, some infamous, some less well known, including Anne Boleyn, Elizabeth Barton, Catherine de Medici, Bess of Hardwick and Elizabeth I.
From writers to regents, from nuns to queens, Heroines of the Tudor World shines the spotlight on the women helped to shape Early Modern Europe.
I am so excited to be able to announce that Heroines of the Tudor World is now available from – everywhere! Including Amberley Publishing, Bookshop.org and Amazon UK.
Publication Day GIVEAWAY!
For the chance to win a signed copy of Heroines of the Tudor World simply leave a comment below.
The draw fro the winner will be made at noon Friday 21 June 2024.
Competition Closed: and the winner is Andria van Buskirk!
Book Launch
Do join me for the Heroines of the Tudor World book launch, including a talk and book signing will be held at the gorgeous historic venue, The Lincoln County Assembly Rooms, Monday 24 June, 2024, at 7pm.
Tickets in-store or online from £7 – ticket with book deals available.
To reserve your ticket, call in at Lindum Books on Bailgate, Lincoln, or click here!
Reviews:
And the first reviews are in – and amazing!
Tony Riches was the first to give his views:
Heroines of the Tudor World is “is perfect for ‘dipping in’ at a random page or section – where you can be sure of discovering something interesting. I also liked the way some Tudor women pop up in several categories, highlighting the complexity of their lives. As with her medieval heroines, some of the categories are thought provoking, such as the idea of heroic mistresses and scandalous heroines, but this makes for a lively and engaging read.” Read the whole 5* review over at The Writing Desk.
And Medieval Madame, on Instagram, also gave Heroines of the Tudor World 5 stars:
“Automatically, when we think of the Tudor woman we tend to think of King Henry VIII’s wives, ladies in waiting or mistresses like Lady Jane Parker and Mary Boleyn. Yet so many women played a vital role, and they are lesser known but those who are more widely known don’t get enough recognition. Women, the weaker, frailer, gentler sex who should have a purpose: ‘stay at home, do embroidery, bear children – hope to survive!’ Not forgetting obey your Husband!
This book centres around women who, either by chance or decision, step out of the mould society cast upon them, even if it meant death. Remember, the Tudor World was one of the most vicious times in English history.
In this 12 chapter book, Sharon Bennett Connolly looks at many women from different backgrounds, and placed into chapters that’s what made their names live on. Take for example chapter 11 we see, “Literary Heroines,” here you can read about Margaret Roper, daughter of Sir Thomas More. Religious reformist, published, Queen Katherine Parr. Then French royalty who could well handle a quill!
Other heroines include: Caterina Sforza, Elizabeth Barton, Katherine Willoughby, Mary Queen of Scots, Anne de Vere and so many more – the list is vast! That is what makes an interesting read. Whether by religion, royalty, nobility or scandal.
Sharon has achieved another piece of thought provoking literature by shining a light on this enjoyable and contemporary read. As a sequel to her “Heroines of the Medieval World,” this certainly does not disappoint, and I enjoyed it equally.
For an in-depth view on many resilient, defiant and warrior women, who could very well be the first step to what we know in modern times as feminism. This is it! This is an excellent read, most certainly in the top three reads of the year. Sharon has crafted her creative writing once more for our educational enjoyment.
[Gifted] To Be Released 15 June 2024″
All About History
All About History magazine gave Heroines of the Tudor World 4 stars, highlighting that the book ‘reminds readers that the lot of women in this era was not an easy one, but in these fascinating stories she reminds us too that there have always been women who dared to challenge the status quo. Whether standing up for country, crown, family or love, the women who spring to life in these pages are richly deserving of their place in history.’
The first review on Amazon was from Helen Musson. It was short but oh so very, very sweet:
Brilliant!
And what an incredible review of Heroines of the Tudor World from Heidi Malagisi at Adventures of a Tudor Nerd:
“Connolly gave her readers a thrilling look into the 16th century….my only complaint is that it was not a longer book…”If you have enjoyed Sharon Bennett Connolly’s previous books and you are a Tudor nerd, I highly suggest you read, ‘Heroines of the Tudor World.'”
Interviews, podcasts and YouTube
You can find me talking about my choice of Heroines of the Tudor World on some of the best Tudor podcasts:
On Tudors Dynasty I may have mentioned to Rebecca Larsen that I don’t think much of Henry VIII. And I had a fabulous time, chatting with Natalie Grueninger over at On the Tudor Trail.
And I am on Books & Brews, over on You Tube, talking about my favourite Heroines of the Past. You can even watch the outtakes!
To Buy Heroines of the Tudor World
You can order signed, dedicated copies of Women of the Anarchy through my online bookshop. Heroines of the Tudor World is now available from – everywhere! Including Amberley Publishing, Bookshop.org and Amazon UK.
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Also by Sharon Bennett Connolly:
Women of the Anarchy demonstrates how Empress Matilda and Matilda of Boulogne, unable to wield a sword, were prime movers in this time of conflict and lawlessness. It show how their strengths, weaknesses, and personal ambitions swung the fortunes of war one way – and then the other. Available from Bookshop.org, Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK. King John’s Right-Hand Lady: The Story of Nicholaa de la Haye is the story of a truly remarkable lady, the hereditary constable of Lincoln Castle and the first woman in England to be appointed sheriff in her own right. It is is available from Pen & Sword Books, bookshop.org and Amazon. Defenders of the Norman Crown: The Rise and Fall of the Warenne Earls of Surrey tells the fascinating story of the Warenne dynasty, from its origins in Normandy, through the Conquest, Magna Carta, the wars and marriages that led to its ultimate demise in the reign of Edward III. Available from Pen & Sword Books, Amazon in the UK and US, and Bookshop.org.
Alternate Endings: An anthology of historical fiction short stories including Long Live the King… which is my take what might have happened had King John not died in October 1216. Available in paperback and kindle from Amazon.
Podcast:
Have a listen to theA Slice of Medieval podcast, which I co-host with Historical fiction novelist Derek Birks. Derek and I welcome guests, such as Bernard Cornwell and discuss a wide range of topics in medieval history, from significant events to the personalities involved.
*
Don’t forget!Signed and dedicated copies of all my books are available through my online bookshop.
For forthcoming online and in-person talks, please check out my Events Page.
*You can be the first to read new articles by clicking the ‘Follow’ button, liking our Facebook page or joining me on Twitterand Instagram.
As many of my readers will know, one of my favourite all-time writers is the brilliant Alexandre Dumas, the author of The Three Musketeers. Dumas also wrote of Marguerite de Valois, La Reine Margot, who appears in my latest book, Heroines of the Tudor World.
Marguerite was the youngest surviving daughter of King Henri II of France and his queen, Catherine de Medici. She was born at the Château of St Germaine-en-Laye on 14 May 1553. She was her parents’ seventh child; their third daughter. She was raised alongside her two older sisters, Elisabeth (born in 1545) and Claude (born in 1547). Her brothers closest in age to her were Charles (born in 1550), Henri (born in 1551) and her younger brother Hercules (born in 1555), who would change his name to François when he was confirmed. Her brother, Henri, only two years older than her, was Marguerite’s closest family friendship as a child, though this did not last into adulthood. Henri would eventually rule France as King Henri III, succeeding to the throne on the death of his older brother Charles IX. Marguerite’s oldest brother was Francis – the future Francis II – who was born in 1544 and would go on to marry Mary, Queen of Scots. Another brother, Louis, died in 1550 at the age of just eighteen months.
Marguerite experienced tragedy at an early age, when her father, Henri II, died in July 1559, ten days after a jousting accident in which a lance had pierced his eye. Marguerite was only six years old. The princess was well educated and studied literature, classics, history, and a number of ancient and contemporary languages. She was also taught the complexities and dangers of sixteenth century politics and saw her mother acting as regent for her brother, Charles IX, becoming the most powerful person in France and a woman of international importance.
As a teenager, Marguerite fell in love with Henry of Guise. He was a duke from a prominent family, but when they were found out, Henry was exiled from court and Marguerite was beaten so badly by her mother and brother, Charles IX, that her clothes were torn and ruined. The Guises might be a powerful family, and the most powerful Catholic faction at court, but their influence and popularity were a threat to the government of Catherine de Medici and the queen was not about to increase their prestige further by allowing the duke to marry her daughter.
Marguerite was a princess of France and not free to follow her heart.
Catherine de Medici with her children in 1561: Francis, Charles IX, Margaret and Henry III
The family had other plans for her marriage. Queen Catherine arranged with Jeanne d’Albret, Queen of Navarre, that Marguerite would marry her son, the Huguenot prince, Henri of Navarre. Although he had grown up at the French court, Henri’s mother had insisted that he be raised a Protestant. Henri was from the Bourbon branch of the French royal family and was the closest male relative to the throne after Marguerite’s brothers, he was the ‘First Prince of the Blood.’ Should her brothers die without producing heirs of their own, Henri of Navarre, though a Protestant, would be next in line to the throne. In 1572, when Marguerite and Henri married, Henri’s succession would have been only a distant possibility, with the twenty-two-year-old king, Charles IX, recently married himself and hoping for an heir; and two younger brothers to follow him should he not provide a son of his own.
The marriage of Henri and Marguerite was intended to rebuild family ties and broker peace between the French Catholics and the Huguenots, the French Protestants. Since 1560, France had been riven by factions, with the powerful Guise family championing the prospect of eradicating Protestantism within France, backed by Spain and the papacy. The Bourbons, led by Henri of Navarre’s mother, Jeanne d’Albret, led the Huguenots, French Calvinists. As queen, Catherine de Medici tried for compromise, wanting France to be independent of foreign powers, such as Spain and the papacy. Tens of thousands of French had died in the religious wars, despite the signing of a number a peace treaties, which never held. The 1572 Peace of St Germain-en-Laye was to seal the treaty with a wedding.
Of Marguerite, her future daughter-in-law, Jeanne d’Albret wrote:
‘As for her beauty, I agree she has a good figure but she holds herself in too much. As for her face, she uses so much help, it does irritate me, because she will ruin herself. But in this court make-up is normal just like in Spain.’1
Henry of Navarre and Margaret of Valois
Marguerite was a pawn in the midst of this political dispute. Born in December 1553, Henri was seven months younger than his bride. He and Marguerite were second cousins, both being the great-grandchildren of Charles, Count of Angoulême and his wife, Louise de Savoie. Marguerite descended from their son, Francis I, King of France, while Henri was descended from Francis’s sister, Marguerite d’Angoulême, Queen of Navarre. The young couple was betrothed in April 1572 and appeared to like each other at first, though it soon became evident that there was no chemistry between them, no physical attraction. It would be the first royal marriage between a Catholic and a Protestant. Henri’s mother, Jeanne d’Albret died before the wedding could take place, in June 1572, making Henri the new king of Navarre.
The wedding ceremony took place at the cathedral of Notre-Dame in Paris, atop a platform that had been erected on the western façade of the church and hung with cloth of gold, so that everyone could watch; Protestant Henri refused to be married within the Catholic cathedral and so the wedding would be conducted outside. At three o’clock in the afternoon, the king of Navarre and his entourage made a stately procession to the church. Henri was dressed in a doublet and cape of rich yellow satin, embroidered with diamonds and pearls. He was escorted by two of the bride’s brothers, the dukes of Anjou and Alençon.
The vast crowds were there to see Marguerite, described as ‘the greatest beauty in the world’ by a Neapolitan ambassador.She was led from the archbishop’s palace, close to the cathedral, by her brother, King Charles IX. The princess was wearing an ermine-trimmed gown of royal blue silk. Her fifteen-foot train was carried by three ladies-in-waiting. The ceremony was officiated by the Cardinal de Bourbon and when he asked Marguerite if she would take Henri as her husband, she refused to answer; her brother pushed her head so that she appeared to nod, and the cardinal took this to be her assent. The vows concluded, Marguerite and her party went inside the church to hear Mass, while Henri and his entourage waited outside.
Henri III, King of Navarre, later to become King Henri IV of France
There were three days of feasting to celebrate the marriage of Henri and Marguerite, the King and Queen of Navarre, before the peace was shattered by an assassination attempt on the Huguenot leader Gaspard de Coligny. Coligny was shot in the shoulder by the Sieur de Marevert. Firing from a house belonging to the duke de Guise, he had been aiming to kill. Coligny survived and was taken back to his lodgings, where the bullet was removed, the king sending his own physician to assist in Coligny’s treatment. Tensions were running high and Henri of Navarre and his attendants, staying at the Hôtel de Navarre, were nervous. On the morning of 24 August, Marguerite was woken by banging on her door, at which a blood-stained soldier staggered in, shouting ‘Navarre! Navarre!,’ pursued by two more men, armed with bows and arrows.
The St Bartholomew’s Day Massacre was proceeding through the streets of Paris. Maurevert’s attempted assassination of Coligny, probably at the orders of Henry of Guise, had caused the King and his mother to fear that they would be blamed. In order to prevent reprisals, they chose to strike first, sending their soldiers against the Huguenot leadership. Coligny was among those killed, his body thrown out of the window of his lodgings and burned by the crowd. As other Huguenots were cut down, the Catholic Parisians joined in the bloodbath, slaughtering their Huguenot neighbours. Marguerite and her husband both made it to safety at the Louvre Palace, where they were protected by royal troops. Henri’s friends and attendants were not so lucky and were butchered within earshot of the newlyweds.As the violence spread to more cities in the following days and weeks, over 5,000 were killed.
The leadership of the Huguenot faction had been dealt a serious blow. The older leaders were dead, murdered, and the younger leaders, Henri of Navarre and his cousin, Henri de Condé, were virtual prisoners, confined to the royal court and on 26 September 1572, Henri of Navarre renounced Protestantism. Four years later, he finally managed to flee the court, leaving his wife behind. Returning to the Protestant faith, he was now twenty-two and assumed the leadership of the Huguenots. Marguerite had remained at the French court following her husband’s flight. There’s was a rather liberal marriage, with neither one concerned if the other took lovers. Politically though, Marguerite worked in support of her husband, despite him being a Protestant and she being Catholic.
The St Bartholomew’s Day massacre painted by François Dubois, a Huguenot painter
In 1578, Marguerite and her mother made a journey south, with Catherine de Medici hoping to build some bridges with the king of Navarre by delivering his wife to him. For the next five years, until 1583, Marguerite and Henri lived as husband and wife at Nérac, 100km south-east of Bordeaux. Initially, the marriage appeared to be experiencing a revival, but then Henri had an affair with on of Marguerite’s ladies, known as La Fosseuse, before moving onto a more serious relationship with Corisande de’Andouins, Countess of Guiche. In 1582 Henri III, King of France, summoned Marguerite back to court, with the hope that her husband would follow. Marguerite came but Henri did not.
While back at the French court, Marguerite had an affair with Jacques de Harlay, Sieur de Champvallon, and there were rumours that she was pregnant by him. Marguerite was ordered to leave court by her brother and left Paris on 8 August. As she travelled south, her party was stopped by a troop of royal archers, who insulted Marguerite and arrested two of her ladies. They were questioned about Marguerite’s baby, if there was one. All trace of the child, whether she was pregnant or not, had disappeared. On 13 April, Marguerite was reunited with her husband at Port St Marie, just north of Nérac. Just two months later, they heard of the death of Marguerite’s youngest brother, Francis, Duke of Anjou, who was a close ally of Henri of Navarre.
Francis’s death was a pivotal moment for the king of Navarre. He had been the heir of his brother Henri III and now, the heir was Henri of Navarre himself, at least until Henri III were to have a son of his own. The Holy Catholic League, however, funded by the king of Spain and the papacy, recognised the ageing and childless Cardinal de Bourbon as the heir to the throne. On 31 March 1585, the cardinal issued a proclamation promising to restore France to Catholicism and declaring that ‘subjects are not required to recognise or sustain the domination of a prince who has parted from the Catholic faith…’ On 9 September 1585 Pope Sixtus V excommunicated both Henri of Navarre and his cousin Condé – even though they were Protestants – and deprived them of their hereditary rights. He even declared that Henri had no right to the kingdom of Navarre. Henry of Guise was manoeuvring to promote his own candidacy for the throne of France by excluding Henri of Navarre.
Marguerite de Valois painted by Nicholas Hilliard
After the death of his brother Francis, Henri III was forced to make war on Navarre by Henry of Guise, thus starting the War of the Three Henries. It was at this point that Marguerite took her life and future into her own hands. Having realised that she could not be content living with Henri, she left his court and moved to Agen, claiming she wanted to devote herself to the celebration of Easter. She joined the Holy Catholic League and with 2,000 soldiers she took Agen and held it in the name of the League. But after a bout of plague was seen as the punishment of God for Marguerite rebelling against her husband and brother, and the destruction of the garrison gunpowder left the city indefensible, she was forced to abandon Agen and moved further inland to another of her fortresses at Carlat.
As she left for Carlat, Marguerite was arrested by her brother’s forces under the command of the Marquis de Canillac, who escorted her to the great fortress at Usson. Marguerite charmed Canillac and within a year she was no longer a prisoner, but the sovereign lady of the territory, in the heart of the Auvergne. Marguerite spent the next 19 years living in Usson, as the Wars of Religion ground to their conclusion with a succession of deaths. The duke of Guise died in 1588, killed on the king’s orders. Catherine de Medici died in January 1589, just a few months before her 70th birthday. And in August 1589, King Henri III was assassinated by a Catholic enthusiast.
This left Henri of Navarre as the victor, though the war continued for 4 more years, as the Catholic League refused to accept a Protestant king. In 1593 Henri’s conversion to Catholicism, supposedly with the words ‘Paris is worth a Mass,’ Henri of Navarre became King Henri IV of France, his coronation taking place in Chartres Cathedral in February 1594. The Edict of Nantes finally ended the Wars of Religion in 1598, establishing Catholicism as the state religion in France, but allowing Huguenots to worship freely in many parts of France (excluding Paris). Though she was no longer living with Henri, Marguerite, the last surviving child of Henri II and Catherine de Medici, was now Queen of France and Navarre, and she and Henri were back on good terms. She established her court at Usson, writing her memoirs and poetry and building a library.
Henri IV, King of France and Navarre
In 1593 Marguerite made an agreement with Henri whereby he would give her 50,000 francs a year and pay her debts of 200,000 écus in return for her applying for the annulment of their marriage; she cited her barrenness, consanguinity and that she was forced to marry against her will as grounds for the annulment. Though the annulment was not granted by the pope until 1599, it did eventually leave Henri free to marry again, to Marie de Medici, and produce the all-important heir – the future King Louis XIII. Although she had been a pawn to the political manoeuvrings of her mother on her marriage to Henri of Navarre, Marguerite had, to all intents and purposes, managed to forge her own path in her later years. Her agreement to the annulment of her marriage meant the continuation of the line of Henri IV and secured the future of France. Marguerite returned to Paris in 1605 and lived there until her death in 1615.
Footnotes:
1. Dominic Pierce, ‘The Unique Career of Marguerite de Valois, Queen of Navarre’, tudortimes.co.uk
Images:
Courtesy of Wikipedia
Sources:
Dominic Pierce, ‘The Unique Career of Marguerite de Valois, Queen of Navarre’, tudortimes.co.uk; Nancy Goldstone, The Rival Queens: Catherine de Medici, Her Daughter Marguerite de Valois and the Betrayal that Ignited a Kingdom; Frieda Leonie, Catherine de Medici: A Biography; Pierre Groubert, The Course of French History; Estelle Paranque, Blood, Fire & Gold: The Story of Elizabeth I and Catherine de Medici; Amanda Prahl, ‘Biography of Margaret of Valois, France’s Slandered Queen’, thoughtco.com; François Bayrou, Henri IV: Le Roi Libre; Alexandre Dumas, La Reine Margot.
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My Books
Signed, dedicated copies of all my books are available through my online bookshop.
Coming on 15 June 2024: Heroines of the Tudor World
Heroines of the Tudor World tells the stories of the most remarkable women from European history in the time of the Tudor dynasty, 1485-1603. These are the women who ruled, the women who founded dynasties, the women who fought for religious freedom, their families and love. These are the women who made a difference, who influenced countries, kings and the Reformation. In the era dominated by the Renaissance and Reformation, Heroines of the Tudor World examines the threats and challenges faced by the women of the era, and how they overcame them. From writers to regents, from nuns to queens, Heroines of the Tudor World shines the spotlight on the women helped to shape Early Modern Europe.
Two cousins. On the one side is Empress Matilda, or Maud. The sole surviving legitimate child of Henry I, she is fighting for her birthright and that of her children. On the other side is her cousin, Queen Matilda, supporting her husband, King Stephen, and fighting to see her own son inherit the English crown. Women of the Anarchy demonstrates how these women, unable to wield a sword, were prime movers in this time of conflict and lawlessness. It show how their strengths, weaknesses, and personal ambitions swung the fortunes of war one way – and then the other.
King John’s Right-Hand Lady: The Story of Nicholaa de la Haye is the story of a truly remarkable lady, the hereditary constable of Lincoln Castle and the first woman in England to be appointed sheriff in her own right. Available from all good bookshops or direct from Pen & Sword Books, bookshop.org and Amazon. Defenders of the Norman Crown: The Rise and Fall of the Warenne Earls of Surrey tells the fascinating story of the Warenne dynasty, from its origins in Normandy, through the Conquest, Magna Carta, the wars and marriages that led to its ultimate demise in the reign of Edward III. Available from Pen & Sword Books, Amazon in the UK and US, and Bookshop.org.
Alternate Endings: An anthology of historical fiction short stories including Long Live the King… which is my take what might have happened had King John not died in October 1216. Available in paperback and kindle from Amazon.
Podcast:
Have a listen to theA Slice of Medieval podcast, which I co-host with Historical fiction novelist Derek Birks. Derek and I welcome guests, such as Bernard Cornwell and discuss a wide range of topics in medieval history, from significant events to the personalities involved.
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Illumination from Hildegard’s Scivias (1151) showing her receiving a vision and dictating to teacher Volmar
Hildegard of Bingen was rather brilliant. Born in around 1098 in Bremersheim in the Rhineland, into a noble family, Hildegard was the tenth child of Hildebert and Mechtild and was destined for life in a convent from an early age. She was around eight years old when she was placed with Jutta of Sponheim, a reclusive (possibly an anchorite), religious noblewoman who supervised the education of young girls from noble families. In 1112, at the age of fourteen, Hildegard, along with other girls in Jutta’s charge, took her vows at the monastery at Disibodenberg. Under Jutta, who became prioress at Disibodenberg, Hildegard was taught to read, and Latin, although she was not proficient in the latter, and in later life she relied on her secretaries to correct her Latin grammar.
Hildegard was a woman of many talents, she was a visionary, a musician, philosopher, theologian and an expert in medicine. She lived at the monastery of Disibodenberg for more than thirty years. It was in her early years there that she first experienced visions, which would make her famous even in her own lifetime. Initially, she only revealed her prophetic visions to her mentor, Jutta, and it was only when God commanded to her record them, that she revealed them to her friend and secretary, Volmar. With the permission of the Abbot of Disibodenberg, Kuno, and with the encouragement of Volmar and a fellow nun, Richardis of Stade, Hildegard started writing down her visions when she was in her forties. It was only after much encouragement from her Archbishop, Henry of Mainz, that her first work, Scivias, was published. The beautifully illustrated work was given approval from a commission set up by Pope Eugene III and was also supported by the saintly Bernard of Clairvaux.
Abbot Bernard of Clairvaux was one of a number of theologians with whom Hildegard maintained a correspondence. She regularly asked the venerable abbot for advice and guidance, and help in interpreting her visions. In one letter, she would tell him,
‘I have from earliest childhood seen great marvels which my tongue has no power to express but which the Spirit of God has taught me that I may believe … Indeed, I have no formal training at all, for I know how to read only on the most elementary level, certainly with no deep analysis. But please give me your opinion in this matter, because I am untaught and untrained in exterior material, but am only taught inwardly, in my spirit.’
Hildegard corresponded with the great personalities of her time, with emperors, popes and even queens. Sometime between 1154 and 1171, she responded to a letter from Eleanor of Aquitaine, asking for advice, with the words ‘Your mind is like a wall which is covered with clouds, and you look everywhere but have no rest. Flee this and attain stability with God and men, and God will help you in all your tribulations. May God give you his blessing and help in all your works’.
Hildegard of Bingen
In 1148 Hildegard had a vision in which God commanded her to take her nuns and establish her own nunnery. Although Abbot Kuno was reluctant to see Hildegard leave Disibodenberg – her reputation had brought the monastery pilgrims and prestige – she eventually prevailed and established a new convent at Rupertsberg. Hildegard’s convent admitted only noblewomen, she did not believe in mixing the classes within a convent, writing that different ‘classes of people should not be mixed, or they will fall out through deceit or arrogance, and the shame occasioned by their differences. The greatest danger of all is a breakdown in peaceful manners through mutual backbiting and hatred when the upper-class pounce on the lower or when the lower is promoted above the higher.’
It was at Rupertsberg that Hildegard wrote two medical works, Causes and Cures and Physica, after studying the illnesses of the sick who she cared for. Her writings suggested remedies for different ailments, using a wide variety of plants; for example, Hildegard explains how cloves could be used to remedy against gout, swollen intestines and hiccups. She also extolled the virtues of the rose as a cure for many ills, saying:
‘Rose is cold, and this coldness contains moderation which is useful. In the morning, or at daybreak, pluck a rose petal and place it on your eyes. It draws out the humour and makes them clear. One with small ulcers on his body should place rose petals over them. This pulls the mucus from them. One who is inclined to wrath should take rose and less sage and pulverise them. The sage lessens the wrath, and the rose makes him happy. Rose, and half as much sage, may be cooked with fresh, melted lard, in water, and an ointment made from this. The place where a person is troubled by a cramp or paralysis should be rubbed with it, and he will be better. Rose is also good to add to potions, unguents, and all medications. If even a little rose is added, they are so much better, because of the good virtues of the rose.’
Hildegard’s prolific writing career continued in her new surroundings. She produced religious poems, music and even a play, Ordo Virtutum. She also wrote two further books of her visions, Liber vitae meritorum (Book of Life’s Merits) and Liber divinonim operum (Book of Divine Works), and a life of the abbey’s patron saint, St Rupert. Ricardis of Stade and her friend and secretary, Volmar, had accompanied Hildegard from Disibodenberg to Rupertsberg and continued to help her as secretaries and assistants. A succession of secretaries came after Volmar and Richardis, including Hildegard’s nephew, Wesclein, her brother, Hugo of Tholey, and her last secretary, Guibert of Gembloux. Guibert and an earlier secretary, Godfrey of Disibodenbrg, both wrote biographies of Hildegard. The main purpose of the secretaries was to edit Hildegard’s works as her Latin grammar was far from proficient; however, they were under strict instructions not to change any of her words as they came from God, exhorting
‘Let no man be so audacious as to add anything to this writing lest he be blotted out from the book of life’.
Coin commemorating the 900th anniversary of the birth of Hildegard of Bingen
Hildegard was a prolific letter writer and, more than 800 years after her death, there are around 400 of her letters still extant today. Many wrote to her asking for advice and prophecies. Indeed, John of Salisbury said Pope Eugene III had consulted Hildegard for predictions about his reign, which had been accurate. In her letters, Hildegard acts as a mediator within the monastic world, soothing arguments within convents, between abbesses and their nuns, and abbots and their monks. She was respected by men and women alike, noble and poor. Hildegard gave advice and support and remonstrated against injustice and corruption. She travelled widely and undertook four preaching tours, between 1158 and 1170, a practice ordinarily forbidden to women, who were expected not to teach or speak in church.
Hildegard of Bingen died in her eighty-second year, at Rupertsberg, on 17 September 1179, and was canonised as Saint Hildegard on 10 May 2012 by Pope Benedict XVI, who declared her a doctor of the Church, in the same year. She was a woman of extraordinary talents, an exceptional writer, a poet and composer, a visionary, a mystic and a scientist. She was trusted and respected by the great men of her age and is considered to be the most influential woman in medieval Church history, a well-deserved accolade.
Sources:
The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, translated by Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman; Hildegardis Bingensis, Epistolarium, edited by Lieven Van Acker and Monika Klaes-Hachmoller; Medieval Europe 400–1500 by H.G. Koenigsberger; Medievalists.net, The Herbal Cures of Hildegard von Bingen – was she right?; Hildegard von Bingen’s Physica: The Complete English Translation of Her Classic Work on Health and Healing by Priscilla Throop; Six Trailblazing Medieval Women article by Susan Signe Morrison; The Letters of John of Salisbury, edited by W.J. Miller, S.J. Butler, H.E. Butler and revised by C.N.L. Brooke
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My Books:
Signed, dedicated copies of all my books are available through my online bookshop.
Out now: Scotland’s Medieval Queens
Scotland’s history is dramatic, violent and bloody. Being England’s northern neighbour has never been easy. Scotland’s queens have had to deal with war, murder, imprisonment, political rivalries and open betrayal. They have loved and lost, raised kings and queens, ruled and died for Scotland. From St Margaret, who became one of the patron saints of Scotland, to Elizabeth de Burgh and the dramatic story of the Scottish Wars of Independence, to the love story and tragedy of Joan Beaufort, to Margaret of Denmark and the dawn of the Renaissance, Scotland’s Medieval Queens have seen it all. This is the story of Scotland through their eyes.
‘Scotland’s Medieval Queens gives a thorough grounding in the history of the women who ruled Scotland at the side of its kings, often in the shadows, but just as interesting in their lives beyond the spotlight. It’s not a subject that has been widely covered, and Sharon is a pioneer in bringing that information into accessible history.’ Elizabeth Chadwick (New York Times bestselling author)
Heroines of the Tudor World tells the stories of the most remarkable women from European history in the time of the Tudor dynasty, 1485-1603. These are the women who ruled, the women who founded dynasties, the women who fought for religious freedom, their families and love. Heroines of the Tudor World is now available for pre-order from Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK.Women of the Anarchy demonstrates how Empress Matilda and Matilda of Boulogne, unable to wield a sword themselves, were prime movers in this time of conflict and lawlessness. It shows how their strengths, weaknesses, and personal ambitions swung the fortunes of war one way – and then the other. Available from Bookshop.org, Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK. King John’s Right-Hand Lady: The Story of Nicholaa de la Haye is the story of a truly remarkable lady, the hereditary constable of Lincoln Castle and the first woman in England to be appointed sheriff in her own right. Available from all good bookshops Pen & Sword Books, bookshop.org and Amazon.
Alternate Endings: An anthology of historical fiction short stories including Long Live the King… which is my take what might have happened had King John not died in October 1216. Available in paperback and kindle from Amazon.
Podcast:
Have a listen to theA Slice of Medieval podcast, which I co-host with Historical fiction novelist Derek Birks. Derek and I welcome guests, such as Bernard Cornwell and Elizabeth Chadwick, and discuss a wide range of topics in medieval history, from significant events to the personalities involved.
Although the Battle of Hastings was fought by men, the women of the two opponents, Harold and William, had as much invested in the outcome as their husbands. The two women, however, have very different reputations. Whereas Matilda appears as the epitome of the medieval ideal woman, Edith has come down through history as ‘the other woman’. However, for both these women, their futures, and the futures of their children, were inextricably linked with the fates of the men fighting on Senlac Hill on that October morning in 1066.
Harold had met Edith Swan-neck at about the same time as he became earl of East Anglia, in 1044. Which makes it possible that Edith Swan-neck and the East Anglian magnate, Eadgifu the Fair, are one and the same. Eadgifu the Fair held over 270 hides of land and was one of the richest magnates in England. The majority of her estates lay in Cambridgeshire, but she also held land in Buckinghamshire, Hertfordshire, Essex and Suffolk; in the Domesday Book Eadgifu held the manor at Harkstead in Suffolk, which was attached to Harold’s manor of Brightlingsea in Essex and some of her Suffolk lands were tributary to Harold’s manor of East Bergholt. While it is by no means certain that Eadgifu is Edith Swan-neck several historians – including Ann Williams in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography – make convincing arguments that they were. Even their names, Eadgifu and Eadgyth, are so similar that the difference could be merely a matter of spelling or mistranslation; indeed, the abbey of St Benet of Hulme, Norfolk, remembers an Eadgifu Swanneshals among its patrons.
By 1065 Harold had been living with the wonderfully-named Eadgyth Swanneshals (Edith the Swan-neck) for twenty years. History books label her as Harold’s concubine, but Edith was, obviously, no weak and powerless peasant, so it’s highly likely they went through a hand-fasting ceremony – or ‘Danish marriage’ – a marriage, but not one recognized by the church, thus allowing Harold to take a second ‘wife’ should he need to. Harold and Edith had at least 6 children together; including four sons, Godwin, Edmund, Magnus and Ulf and two daughters, Gytha, who married Vladimir Monomakh, Great Prince of Kiev, and Gunnhild, was to become a nun at Wilton Abbey in Wiltshire, but never took her vows.
King Harold at the Battle of Hastings, from the Bayeux Tapestry
However, despite their twenty years and many children together, with the health of the king, Edward the Confessor, deteriorating, it became politically expedient for Harold to marry in order to strengthen his position as England’s premier earl and, possibly, next king. Ealdgyth was the daughter of Alfgar, earl of Mercia, and, according to William of Jumieges, very beautiful. She was the widow of Gruffudd ap Llywelyn, King of Gwynedd from 1039 and ruler of all Wales after 1055, with whom she had had at least one child, a daughter, Nest. Gruffudd had been murdered in 1063, following an expedition into Wales, some sources suggest it was by Harold himself, however Gruffudd’s own men are the chief suspects. Harold’s subsequent marriage to Ealdgyth not only secured the support of the earls of Northumbria and Mercia, but also weakened the political ties of the same earls with the new rulers of north Wales.
Rather than his loyal and loving ‘wife’, Edith, it was Ealdgyth, therefore, who was for a short time, queen of England. However, with Harold having to defend his realm, first against Harold Hardrada and his own brother, Tostig, at Stamford Bridge in September of 1066 and, subsequently, against William of Normandy at Hastings, it is unlikely Ealdgyth had time to enjoy her exalted status. At the time of the Battle of Hastings, 14th October 1066, Ealdgyth was in London, but her brothers took her north to Chester soon after. Although sources are confused it seems possible that Ealdgyth was heavily pregnant and gave birth to a son, Harold Haroldson, within months of the battle. Unfortunately, that is the last we hear of Ealdgyth; her fate remains unknown. Young Harold is said to have grown up in exile on the Continent and died in 1098.
Despite his marriage to Ealdgyth it seems Edith Swan-neck remained close to Harold and it was she who was waiting close by when the king faced William of Normandy at Senlac Hill near Hastings on 14th October 1066. She awaited the outcome alongside Harold’s mother, Gytha. Having lost a son, Tostig, just two weeks before, fighting against his brother and with the Norwegians at the Battle of Stamford Bridge, Gytha lost three more sons – Harold, Gyrth and Leofwine – and her grandson, Haakon, in the battle at Hastings.
And it was Edith and the elderly Gytha, who wandered the blood-soaked field in the aftermath of the battle, in search of the fallen king. Sources say that Gytha was unable to identify her sons amidst the mangled and mutilated bodies. It fell to Edith to find Harold, by undoing the chain mail of the victims, in order to recognize certain identifying marks on the king’s body – probably tattoos.
Edith finding Harold’s body on the battlefield
The monks of Waltham Abbey had a tradition of Edith bringing Harold’s body to them for burial, soon after the battle. Although other sources suggest Harold was buried close to the battlefield, and without ceremony, it is hard not to hope that Edith was able to perform this last service for the king. However, any trace of Harold’s remains was swept away by Henry VIII’s Dissolution of the Monasteries, so the grave of England’s last Anglo-Saxon king is lost to history.
Harold’s mother, Gytha, eventually fled into exile on the Continent, taking Harold and Edith’s daughter, another Gytha, with her, possibly arranging her marriage to the prince of Smolensk and – later – Kiev. The sons of Edith and Harold fled to Ireland with all but one, living into the 1080s, though the dates of their eventual deaths remain uncertain. Gunnhild remained in her nunnery at Wilton until sometime before 1093, when she became the wife or concubine of Alan the Red, a Norman magnate. Whether or not she was kidnapped seems to be in question but when Alan died in 1093, instead of returning to the convent, Gunnhild became the mistress of Alan’s brother and heir, Alan Niger. Alan Rufus held vast lands in East Anglia – lands that had once belonged to Eadgifu the Fair and, if Eadgifu was Edith Swan-neck, it’s possible that Alan married Gunnhild to strengthen his claims to her mother’s lands.
Of Edith Swan-neck, there is no trace after Harold is interred at Waltham Abbey, she simply disappears from the pages of history…
For Matilda, on the other hand, the Battle of Hastings marked the start of another stage of her life and career as the wife of William, duke of Normandy and, now, King of England. Matilda of Flanders was probably born around 1032, the daughter of Baldwin V, count of Flanders, and his wife, Adela, a daughter of King Robert the Pious of France. The young duke, William of Normandy, was probably pushing his luck when he proposed a marriage between himself and young Matilda. Although he was a duke and Baldwin a mere count, there was the question of his illegitimacy and Normandy was hardly the most stable of regions; William had spent all of his adult life fighting to keep hold of it.
Matilda of Flanders
A later story tells of how Matilda refused to marry William, stating that, being granddaughter of a king, she was too high born to marry a bastard. William was said to be so incensed with this response that he straightaway rode to Flanders, accosted young Matilda in the street, pulling her from her horse by her braids, before hitting her and cutting her with his spurs; whereupon Matilda changed her mind and agreed to marry William. While amusing, it is highly likely that the story is an invention, and highly unlikely that Matilda was asked her opinion on the marriage. Getting to the altar was not an easy task, however, as the pope refused to allow the marriage, without giving his reasons. It is possible that the refusal was on the grounds of consanguinity, although it seems the only familial link is that William’s aunt married Matilda’s grandfather as his second wife (Matilda’s father, however, was the son of the count’s first wife, so there was no blood relationship). It seems more likely that the refusal was politically motivated, due to Count Baldwin’s support of the Lotharingian’s rebellion against Pope Leo IX’s sponsor, the Holy Roman Emperor.
William was not to be thwarted, however, and before 1053 he married, Matilda despite the papal interdict; they were eventually ordered to establish a monastery each in penance for the marrying without papal dispensation, but the marriage was allowed to stand. In penance Matilda established the Abbaye-aux-Dames, consecrated in 1066, while William founded the Abbay-aux-Hommes, both in Caen.
The marriage between Matilda and William proved to be a strong and trusting relationship; William is one of very few medieval kings believed to have been completely faithful to his wife, no rumours of extra-marital affairs have ever been uncovered. He trusted Matilda to act as regent in Normandy during his many absences on campaign or in England. Matilda supported her husband’s proposed invasion of England, promised a great ship for William’s personal used, it was called the Mora; the ship had a figurehead of a small boy, whose right hand pointed to England and left hand held a horn to his lips.
William the Conqueror from the Bayeux Tapestry
Matilda and William had a rather large family, with 4 boys and at least 4 daughters. Their eldest son, Robert Curthose, who inherited Normandy, was followed by Richard, who was killed during a hunting accident as a youth, William, known as Rufus who became King William II, and the future Henry I. Of the 4 or 5 daughters Adelida became a nun following a series of failed marriage plans, Cecilia was given to the convent of Ste Trinite as a child, Constance married Alain Fergant, duke of Brittany and Adela married Stephen of Blois; their son, another Stephen would succeed Henry I as King of England. There are suggestions of 2 further daughters, Matilda and Agatha, though evidence for their existence is highly limited.
Matilda was very close to her family, especially her eldest son, Robert, whose later antics were to cause problems between his parents. William and Robert, father and son, were often at loggerheads, with Robert in open rebellion against his father as a young adult. Matilda was constantly trying to play the peacemaker and was so upset by one quarrel that she was ‘choked by tears and could not speak’. Even during a period of exile imposed on Robert, Matilda still supported her son as best she can; she would send him vast amounts of silver and gold through a Breton messenger, Samson. On discovering Samson’s complicity William threatened to blind the messenger and it was only through Matilda’s intervention that the Breton escaped.
Where poor Edith Swan-neck lost almost everything at Hastings, Matilda’s star was in the ascendant, but the Conquest was not without problems and it was not until 1068 that William felt secure enough to bring his wife over to England. Matilda was crowned Queen of England in Winchester Cathedral at Pentecost in that year, although further unrest soon saw her returned to the relative safety of Normandy, where she was acting as regent for her absent husband. Matilda was one of the most active of medieval queens, standing in as an able administrator during her husband’s absences; hearing land pleas and corresponding with such as the pope, who is known to have asked her to use her influence over her husband, on occasion. She was also the driving force in holding together her family, keeping relations as cordial as possible, even with the rebellious Robert. And it may well be her own strength of character, as the centre of the family, that meant none of her sons would marry until after her death.
Matilda’s piety is renowned. Although founding the Abbaye-aux-Dames in Caen was a penance for her irregular marriage to William, her constant and repeated donations to religious houses demonstrate her dedication to her faith. Among her many donations; she gave the monks of Marmoutier a new refectory and a cope and to the monks of St Evroult she gave £100 for a refectory, a mark of gold, a chasuble decorated with gold and pearls, and a cope for the chanter. The nuns of her abbey at Ste Trinite, Caen, received a substantial bequest from Matilda’s will; as well as her regalia, they were given a chalice, a chasuble, a mantle of brocade, 2 golden chains with a cross, a chain decorated with emblems for hanging a lamp in front of the altar, several large candelabras, the draperies for her horse and all the vases ‘which she had not yet handed out during her life’.
Matilda and William’s Xs on a charter
Matilda and William’s relationship is one of the most successful of the medieval period. Said to be a happy and loving marriage, their trust in each other was demonstrable and it was remarked up on when William fell seriously ill during a stay at Cherbourg between 1063 and 1066, Matilda prayed for his recovery at the altar; the monks remarking on her informal appearance as the sign of her distress her husband illness was causing her. Matilda fell ill in the late summer of 1083 and died on 2nd November of the same year. She was buried at Ste Trinite, Caen, where the original tombstone, with the inscription carved round the edge, still survives. Following her death William cut a sad and lonely figure; becoming increasingly isolated he followed his wife to the grave 4 years later in 1087.
Select bibliography:
Oxforddnb.com; The Norman Conquest: William the Conquerors’ Subjugation of England by Teresa Cole; William the Conqueror: The Bastard of Normandy by Peter Rex; Kings, Queens, Bones and Bastards by David Hilliam; Britains’ Royal Families: The Complete Genealogy by Alison Weir; The Oxford Companion to British History edited by John Cannon; epistolae.ccnmtl.columbia.edu.
My Books
Signed, dedicated copies of all my books are available through my online bookshop.
Out now: Scotland’s Medieval Queens
Scotland’s history is dramatic, violent and bloody. Being England’s northern neighbour has never been easy. Scotland’s queens have had to deal with war, murder, imprisonment, political rivalries and open betrayal. They have loved and lost, raised kings and queens, ruled and died for Scotland. From St Margaret, who became one of the patron saints of Scotland, to Elizabeth de Burgh and the dramatic story of the Scottish Wars of Independence, to the love story and tragedy of Joan Beaufort, to Margaret of Denmark and the dawn of the Renaissance, Scotland’s Medieval Queens have seen it all. This is the story of Scotland through their eyes.
‘Scotland’s Medieval Queens gives a thorough grounding in the history of the women who ruled Scotland at the side of its kings, often in the shadows, but just as interesting in their lives beyond the spotlight. It’s not a subject that has been widely covered, and Sharon is a pioneer in bringing that information into accessible history.’ Elizabeth Chadwick (New York Times bestselling author)
Heroines of the Tudor World tells the stories of the most remarkable women from European history in the time of the Tudor dynasty, 1485-1603. These are the women who ruled, the women who founded dynasties, the women who fought for religious freedom, their families and love. Heroines of the Tudor World is now available for pre-order from Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK.Women of the Anarchy demonstrates how Empress Matilda and Matilda of Boulogne, unable to wield a sword themselves, were prime movers in this time of conflict and lawlessness. It shows how their strengths, weaknesses, and personal ambitions swung the fortunes of war one way – and then the other. Available from Bookshop.org, Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK. King John’s Right-Hand Lady: The Story of Nicholaa de la Haye is the story of a truly remarkable lady, the hereditary constable of Lincoln Castle and the first woman in England to be appointed sheriff in her own right. Available from all good bookshops Pen & Sword Books, bookshop.org and Amazon.
Alternate Endings: An anthology of historical fiction short stories including Long Live the King… which is my take what might have happened had King John not died in October 1216. Available in paperback and kindle from Amazon.
Podcast:
Have a listen to theA Slice of Medieval podcast, which I co-host with Historical fiction novelist Derek Birks. Derek and I welcome guests, such as Bernard Cornwell and Elizabeth Chadwick, and discuss a wide range of topics in medieval history, from significant events to the personalities involved.
Throughout my research into medieval women, two ladies in particular have popped up a number of times: Nicholaa de la Haye and Matilda de Braose. Their unique stories drew me into their world, and the turbulent times of King John. They were the spark that led me to look into the story of Magna Carta; how its clauses were influenced by women and how women used it to protect their own rights. Magna Carta was, perhaps, the first step on the long road to democracy in England, and many women played key roles in its creation and development.
The Magna Carta of 1215 reflects the needs and events of the time in which it was issued; an England on the brink of civil war, disaffected barons demanding redress, the Church and cities such as London looking for protection. It was drawn up by barons looking for redress and legal protection from a king whose word could no longer be trusted, who meted out arbitrary punishments and heavy taxes. It was not a charter that was intended to form the protection and legal rights of every man, woman and child in the land; though it has come to be seen as just that in subsequent centuries. Indeed, the common man does not get a mention, and of the sixty-three clauses, only eight of them mention women as a gender.
The significance of women in the Magna Carta story is not just their limited inclusion in the charter itself, but also in their experiences of the unsettled times in which they lived, in their influence on the charter itself and in their use of its clauses to exact redress for injustices they had experienced. The political crisis which saw the issuing of Magna Carta, and the civil war which followed, was not just significant to the barons involved, but to their wives and families, tenants and retainers. The conflict tore families apart as they took sides in the struggle and saw more than one baron change sides mid-crisis. Wives and daughters were caught in the middle, often torn by divided loyalties; between their birth family and the family into which they had married; between their fathers and their husbands. For instance, Matilda Marshal was the eldest daughter of William Marshal, a man known for his staunch loyalty to the crown, but she was married to Hugh Bigod, son of Roger, second Earl of Norfolk, one of the leaders of baronial opposition.
Tomb of Nicholaa de la Haye, St Michael’s Church, Swaton
Although they had very different experiences, they shared a number of similarities. Probably born within a few years of each other, they were contemporaries and both were key figures in the reign of King John, though for very different reasons. While Nicholaa de la Haye was a staunch supporter of the man who is, arguably, England’s most despised king in history, Matilda de Braose was one of his most female victims. Matilda’s family were harassed to Ireland and back by John, before she and her eldest son were left in a prison cell to starve to death; they were found after 11 days, Matilda’s head resting on her son’s chest, her son’s cheeks bearing the bite marks as evidence of lengths Matilda went to in her desperation to stay alive. It was Matilda’s experiences at the hands of King John that inspired clause 39 of Magna Carta, that clause that is still the cornerstone of British justice to this day:
‘No man shall be taken, imprisoned, outlawed, banished or in any way destroyed, nor will we proceed against or prosecute him, except by the lawful judgement of his peers or by the law of the land’
Nicholaa de la Haye, on the other hand, had been a long-time supporter of King John. She first successfully defended Lincoln Castle, in support of John, in the siege of 1191; the siege lasted 40 days before William Longchamp, the hated justiciar, gave up and went home. In 1216, Nicholaa successfully defended it again, this time paying off the rebel barons so that they would lift the siege. In the aftermath, John came north and ravaged the Isle of Axholme, where the barons had retreated to, with ‘fire and sword’. It was after this even that Nicholaa, now in her 60s and recently widowed, offered to relinquish custody of the castle. John refused to accept her resignation and in October, hours before his death, appointed Nicholaa Sheriff of Lincolnshire: she was the first ever female sheriff in England.
King John
Although Nicholaa de la Haye and Matilda de Braose were the major influences behind my book, Ladies of Magna Carta, they were not the only women to make an impression on the Magna Carta story. The deeper I dug, the more stories I uncovered that deserved to be told. Matilda’s own daughter, Loretta de Braose, was one such. Recently widowed following the death of her husband, Robert de Breteuil, Earl of Leicester, Loretta had been forced by John to relinquish her dower rights; Magna Carta clauses 7 and 8 of Magna Carta, protecting widows’ rights:
Clause 7:
After her husband’s death, a widow shall have her marriage portion and her inheritance at once and without any hindrance; nor shall she pay anything for her dower, her marriage portion, or her inheritance which she and her husband held on the day of her husband’s death; and she may stay in her husband’s house for 40 days after his death, within which period her dower shall be assigned to her.
Clause 8:
No widow shall be compelled to marry so long as she wishes to live without a husband, provided that she gives security that she will not marry without our consent if she holds of us, or without the consent of the lord of whom she holds, if she holds of another.
Furthermore, there are two women who can be clearly identified in Magna Carta itself, though they are not named, they are two Scottish princesses. The sisters of King Alexander II had been held hostage in England since 1209, when John forced the humiliating Treaty of Norham on their ailing father, King William the Lion. Clause 59 promised:
‘We will treat Alexander, king of Scots, concerning the return of his sisters and hostages and his liberties and rights in the same manner in which we will act towards our other barons of England, unless it ought to be otherwise because of the charters which we have from William his father, formerly king of Scots; and this shall be determined by the judgement of his peers in our court.’
Women not only influenced the clauses of Magna Carta, however, they also used Magna Carta to assert and protect their own rights. Women such as Ela of Salisbury, who used the promises of Magna Carta to avoid an unwelcome marriage proposal when her husband, William Longspée was missing and feared dead. Or Isabel d’Aubigny, Countess of Arundel, who proclaimed ‘Where are the liberties of England, so often recorded, so often granted and so often ransomed’, when King Henry III foolishly attempted to steal land that was rightfully hers. She must have been a fearsome opponent, as Henry responded to one of her petitions, saying that he would grant her leniency ‘so long as she says nothing opprobrious to us as she did when we were at Westminster!’
Eleanor de Montfort
And then there were the women for whom Magna Carta offered no protection or respite. Women such as Eleanor of Brittany, for whom even clause 39 could be of no help. Their royal blood and ability to be a focus for opposition to the crown meant that successive kings would keep them imprisoned, either in castles, as with Eleanor, or in a rural convent, as with Gwenllian of Wales, orphan daughter of Llywelyn, Prince of Wales and his wife, Eleanor de Montfort, who was herself a granddaughter of King John.
It was Eleanor’s mother, also Eleanor, the youngest daughter of King John and not a year old at her father’s death, who, as the wife of Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, would continue the struggle to curb the powers of the crown in the Second Barons’ War. She herself was defending Dover Castle when her husband was killed at the Battle of Evesham. She spent her final years in French exile. Her struggles to obtain her dower lands from the powerful Marshal family, guaranteed in Magna Carta, were a major component of Eleanor’s own dissatisfaction with her brother, Henry III.
It is through the stories of these remarkable women and the relationships of the various noble families of the 13th century, that I wanted to examine how they were affected by the First Barons’ Wars, Magna Carta and its aftermath. It is a study of the bonds that were formed and those that were broken among the women of the great families of 13th century England, including the royal families of England and Scotland, the Marshals, the Bigods, the Salisburys, Braoses and Warennes.
Their stories are inspirational, if heartbreaking at times.
Richard of Devizes, The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes; Roger of Howden (Hoveden), The Annals of Roger of Howden; The Plantagenet Chronicles edited by Elizabeth Hallam; Brassey’s Battles by John Laffin; 1215 The Year of Magna Carta by Danny Danziger & John Gillingham; The Life and times of King John by Maurice Ashley; The Plantagenets, the Kings Who Made England by Dan Jones; England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings by Robert Bartlett; lincolnshirelife.co.uk; catherinehanley.co.uk; magnacarta800th.com; lothene.org; lincolncastle.com; The Sheriff: The Man and His Office by Irene Gladwin; Louise Wilkinson, Women in Thirteenth Century Lincolnshire; Richard Huscraft, Tales from the Long Twelfth Century; J.W.F. Hill, Medieval Lincoln; swaton.org.uk; oxforddnb.com; Stephen Church, King John: England, Magna Carta and the Making of a Tyrant; Marc Morris, King John; Pipe Rolls; Red Book of the Exchequer
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Out now: Princesses of the Early Middle Ages: Royal Daughters of the Conquest
‘My daughter wanted me to treat her more like a princess. So, I married her to a stranger to strengthen the alliance with Poland!’
The medieval princess has often been portrayed as a pawn in the political machinations of her father or brother, married off to distant lands for the sake of peace, or land, or both. Never to be seen or thought of again.
But was that really her fate?
From the daughters of Harold, the last Saxon king, to the sisters of Henry III, Princesses of the Early Middle Ages explores the lives of these young women, how they followed the stereotype, and how they sometimes managed to escape it. It will look at the world they lived in, and how their lives and marriages were affected by political necessity and the events of the time.
Princesses of the Early Middle Ages: Royal Daughters of the Conquest is now available from Pen & Sword and Amazon.
30 August: Princesses of the Later Middle Ages: Royal Daughters of the Plantagenets
Continuing the story, Princesses of the Later Middle Ages: Royal Daughters of the Plantagenets looks at the lives of the princesses, from the treasured daughters of Henry III to the children of Edward IV, whose lives were turned upside down when they were declared illegitimate.
What we see is a very different story, where a foreign marriage does not mean eternal exile, but a purpose in life, where a princess is a diplomat, an ambassador for England in her new country. She is the bond between allies – most of the time.
Princesses of the Later Middle Ages: Royal Daughters of the Plantagenets is now available for pre-order through Pen & Sword and other booksellers.
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OUT NOW! The momentous events of 1066, the story of invasion, battle and conquest, are well known. But what of the women? Silk and the Sword: The Women of the Norman Conquest traces the fortunes of the women who had a significant role to play during the Norman Conquest – wives, lovers, sisters, mothers, leaders. These are lives full of drama, pathos and sometimes mystery: Edith and Gytha searching the battlefield of Hastings for the body of Harold, his lover and mother united in their grief for the fallen king. Who was Ælfgyva, the lady of the Bayeux Tapestry, portrayed with a naked man at her feet?
Janina Ramirez said it’s ‘Excellent’!
COMING 15 July 2026: Heroines of the Tudor World focuses on the women who lived through the Renaissance and Reformation, examining the threats and challenges they faced and how they overcame them. These are the women who ruled, the women who founded dynasties, the women who fought for religious freedom, their families and love. These are the women who made a difference, who influenced countries, kings and the Reformation.
Derek Birks: ‘An excellent account of the changing roles of women in Tudor society.’
Annie Whitehead: ‘What a treat this book was to read. Bennett Connolly has an easy, conversation style of writing which welcomes you from the opening pages and draws you into her story.‘
Also by Sharon Bennett Connolly:
Heroines of the Medieval World; Silk and the Sword: The Women of the Norman Conquest; Ladies of Magna Carta: Women of Influence in Thirteenth Century England; Defenders of the Norman Crown: Rise and Fall of the Warenne Earls of Surrey; King John’s Right Hand Lady: The Story of Nicholaa de la Haye; Women of the Anarchy; Heroines of the Tudor World; Scotland’s Medieval Queens: From St Margaret to Margaret of Denmark; Princesses of the Early Middle Ages: Royal Daughters of the Conquest (March 2026); Princesses of the Later Middle Ages; Royal Daughters of the Plantagenets (August 2026)
Alternate Endings: An anthology of historical fiction short stories including Long Live the King… which is my take what might have happened had King John not died in October 1216. Available in paperback and kindle from Amazon.
Have a listen to theA Slice of Medieval podcast, which I co-host with Historical fiction novelist Derek Birks. Derek and I welcome guests, such as Ian Mortimer, Bernard Cornwell, Elizabeth Chadwick and Scott Mariani, and discuss a wide range of topics in medieval history, from significant events to the personalities involved.
Nicholaa de la Haye first came to the attention of the chroniclers in the year 1191. She and her husband, Gerard de Camville, were in command of Lincoln Castle. Gerard was a talented administrator and was sheriff of Lincoln in 1189 and 1190 and again from 1199 to 1205. He was also hereditary constable of Lincoln Castle by right of his wife, Nicholaa. Although he had sworn allegiance to King Richard on his accession, in 1191 Gerard paid homage to the king’s brother John, then count of Mortain, for Lincoln Castle. This meant that Gerard and Nicholaa would be drawn into John’s dispute with King Richard’s chancellor, William Longchamp.
Before King Richard’s departure on crusade, the king had extracted a promise from John and their illegitimate half-brother Geoffrey, Archbishop of York, that neither would set foot in England for three years. Although it seems highly unlikely that Longchamp released John from his oath, the prince was back in England by 1191, possibly on the insistence of his mother, Eleanor of Aquitaine, who was watching over her favourite son’s domains while he was away on crusade.
Longchamp’s heavy-handed administration of the country caused much dissent among the barons and John chose to champion their cause. The catalyst for John’s armed opposition to William Longchamp may well have been the king’s recognition of his nephew, Arthur, Duke of Brittany still only a child of five years, as his heir; the only person in England who was meant to know was William Longchamp. However, it seems that Longchamp may have sounded out others to measure the level of support for Arthur. According to the chronicler William of Newburgh, he passed on the information to the king of Scots, at least, and possibly some of the Welsh princes. In early 1191 the news was widely leaked, and John came to hear of it.
Richard I and John side by side in the Gallery of Kings on the West Front of Lincoln cathedral
According to William of Newburgh, John had expected to become the successor to the kingdom, should the king not survive the cursade. Indeed, Richard’s advancement of his brother since his accession, in giving John lands in England and arranging his marriage to an English bride, all seemed to support this expectation. Richard’s actions in naming Arthur his heir, and Longchamp’s support for this, threatened to undermine John’s own claims and rights. Having heard the not-so-secret secret, John started building up his own powerbase. According to Richard of Devizes, John, ‘when he knew for certain that his brother had turned his back on England, presently perambulated the kingdom in a more popular manner, nor did he forbid his followers calling him the king’s heir.’
Tensions were rising. Richard of Devizes reported that, as a result of the king’s departure on crusade, the nobles were ‘all stirred up in arms, castles closed, cities fortified and entrenchments thrown up.’
John sent out letters, in secret, eliciting the support of the nobles against the justiciar. The king himself was so concerned over events in England that, in the spring, he had released Walter de Coutances, archbishop of Rouen, from his crusading vow and sent him back to sort things out. The king must have had concerns about the efficacy of William Longchamp’s rule, as he also sent a letter, to William Marshal, Hugh Bardolf, Geoffrey Fitz Peter and William Brewer, in which he ordered ‘If our chancellor does not act faithfully according to the advice of yourselves and others to whom we have committed the care of our kingdom, we order you to carry out your own dispositions in all the affairs of our kingdom, in castles and escheats, without any dispute.’
Walter de Coutances landed at Shoreham on 27 June, 1191. The situation had already escalated, however.
In 1190, on returning from his investigation into the massacre of the Jews of York, Longchamp stopped at Lincoln. He accused Gerard de Camville of harbouring thieves and robbers who preyed on the merchants attending the fair at Stamford. Longchamp had demanded that Gerard de Camville, described as ‘an enemy of the chancellor’ by the Crowland Chronicle, relinquish his custody of Lincoln Castle and swear allegiance to him, personally, as justiciar. Camville refused and instead ‘had done homage to Earl John, the king’s brother, for the castle of Lincoln, the custody whereof is known to belong to the inheritance of Nicholaa, the wife of the same Gerard, but under the king.’1
In acting against Gerard de Camville, Longchamp had forced him into John’s arms. On learning of Gerard’s defiance, Longchamp sent overseas for foreign mercenaries and set out north with the troops he had under his command, attacking Wigmore along the way and forcing Roger de Mortimer, impeached for conspiracy against the king, to surrender his castles and abjure England for three years. As Gerard de Camville joined John at Nottingham, Longchamp continued to Lincoln where he besieged the castle as ‘Gerard was with the earl; and his wife Nicholaa proposing to herself nothing effeminate defended the castle like a man. The chancellor was wholly busied about Lincoln.’2
Lincoln castle, East Gate
The formidable Nicholaa refused to yield, holding out for forty days before Longchamp raised the siege, having heard that Tickhill and Nottingham had fallen to John.
Gerard’s decision to leave Nicholaa in command of the castle, even though Longchamp was heading her way with an army, may have been to emphasise the standing of the de la Haye family in Lincolnshire, and its connections to the castle itself. He believed Lincoln would rally to her side. That he did not appoint a male deputy to take charge is testament to his trust in Nicholaa and her abilities. She had, after all, grown up with the castle as her birth right and would have been familiar with every part of its defences, its strengths and weaknesses. Although she would not have been able to fight, with sword and shield, she could direct the defence, placing soldiers where they were most needed, organising supplies of weapons and ammunition, and ensuring the stores of food and drink were suitably rationed.
Nicholaa was approaching forty when William Longchamp besieged her. She was no young, inexperienced girl, and she would have been used to command – and to her orders being obeyed. She was also a mother, of a daughter in her teens and at least two young boys, but it is unlikely that the children were in the castle; it is more likely they were being raised on her manor at Brattleby, just to the north of Lincoln. The castle itself may appear difficult to defend. The curtain wall was a third of a mile in length, but there was a steep drop on the south side. There were two main entrances, the East and West gates, and a number of postern gates. These had to be guarded closely. Similarly, the castle would also have been difficult to attack, and besiegers would have concentrated their energies on the main and postern gates. There is no record of Longchamp bringing up siege machinery, so it would have been a case of watching and waiting and hoping to starve out the castle occupants.
Nicholaa held out for forty days, as demonstrated by the Pipe Roll of 1191, which showed that mercenaries were employed for that length of time on the siege of Lincoln Castle. All the same, it must have been a relief for Nicholaa, when William Longchamp gave up the siege and marched his soldiers away.
According to Roger of Howden, the chancellor besieged Lincoln Castle, ‘having expelled Gerard de Camville from the keepership and the office of sheriff of Lincoln; which former office the chancellor gave to William de Stuteville and made him sheriff as well.’ John, in turn moved north in support of Gerard, quickly taking the ill-prepared royal castles of Tickhill (in Yorkshire) and Nottingham and demanding that Gerard de Camville be reinstated, saying that he ‘would visit him [the chancellor] with a rod of iron’.3
Gatehouse of Tickhill Castle, Yorkshire
John admonished Longchamp, saying ‘it was not proper to take from the loyal men of the kingdom, well known and free, their charges and commit them to strangers and men unknown; that it was a mark of his folly that he had intrusted the king’s castles to such, because they would expose them to adventurers; that if it should go with every barbarian with that facility, that even the castles should be ready at all times for their reception, that he would no longer bear in silence the destruction of his brother’s kingdom and affairs.’4
In the meantime, Walter de Coutances, Archbishop of Rouen but an Englishman by birth, had landed in England and hastened north to act as intermediary between the two warring factions. At some point in the escalating tensions, as Roger of Howden reports, William Longchamp, as papal legate, also issued a sentence of excommunication on John’s supporters. The list included John’s leading supporters, as well as Walter de Coutances, archbishop of Rouen, and Gerard de Camville.
Despite the blatant mistrust on both sides, settlement was reached, with the aid of bishops trusted by both men, and of barons who ‘swore that they would provide satisfaction between the earl and the chancellor concerning their quarrels and questions to the honour of both parties and the peace of the kingdom.’5 Agreement, mostly favourable to John, was reached whereby John would relinquish the castles he had taken, but then Longchamp would give Tickhill into the custody of Reginald de Wasseville and Nottingham to William de Wenn, both men of John’s affinity who each agreed to give up a hostage to the chancellor. John also promised not to harbour outlaws in his lands. Longchamp also agreed to drop his support for Arthur as Richard’s heir, to support John’s claim and ‘if the king should die…should promote him to the kingdom with all his power.’6
The Lucy Tower, Lincoln Castle’s main keep
Especial mention was made of Gerard de Camville, who was reinstated to Lincoln Castle, and ‘shall be reinstated in the office of sheriff of Lincoln, and on the same day a proper day shall be appointed for him to make his appearance in the court of our lord the king, there to abide his trial; and if in the judgement of the court of our lord the king proof can be given that he aught to lose that office as also the keepership of the castle of Lincoln, then he is to lose the same; but, if not, he is to keep it, unless in the meantime an agreement can be come to relative thereto on some other terms. And the lord John is not to support him against the decision of our lord the king, nor is he to harbour such outlaws or enemies to our lord the king, as shall be named to him, nor allow them to be harboured on his lands.’7
So, Gerard and Nicholaa would be safe in their castle at Lincoln, at least for now. What may happen on the king’s return was still to be determined. They also benefited from John’s largesse; Gerard was appointed keeper of the honour of Wallingford.
In the meantime, Nicholaa and Gerard could get on with the business of managing Lincoln Castle and the county of Lincolnshire.
For now…
Notes:
Richard of Devizes, The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes, edited and translated by J. A. Giles
ibid
Roger of Howden (Hoveden), The Annals of Roger of Howden, translated by Henry T. Riley
Devizes, The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes
ibid
ibid
Howden, The Annals of Roger of Howden
Sources:
Richard of Devizes, The Chronicle of Richard of Devizes; Roger of Howden (Hoveden), The Annals of Roger of Howden; The Plantagenet Chronicles edited by Elizabeth Hallam; Brassey’s Battles by John Laffin; 1215 The Year of Magna Carta by Danny Danziger & John Gillingham; The Life and times of King John by Maurice Ashley; The Plantagenets, the Kings Who Made England by Dan Jones; England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings by Robert Bartlett; lincolnshirelife.co.uk; catherinehanley.co.uk; magnacarta800th.com; lothene.org; lincolncastle.com; The Sheriff: The Man and His Office by Irene Gladwin; Louise Wilkinson, Women in Thirteenth Century Lincolnshire; Richard Huscraft, Tales from the Long Twelfth Century; J.W.F. Hill, Medieval Lincoln; swaton.org.uk; oxforddnb.com; Ingulph, Ingulph’ Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland; Stephen Church, King John: England, Magna Carta and the Making of a Tyrant; Marc Morris, King John; Pipe Rolls; Red Book of the Exchequer
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Out now: Scotland’s Medieval Queens
Scotland’s history is dramatic, violent and bloody. Being England’s northern neighbour has never been easy. Scotland’s queens have had to deal with war, murder, imprisonment, political rivalries and open betrayal. They have loved and lost, raised kings and queens, ruled and died for Scotland. From St Margaret, who became one of the patron saints of Scotland, to Elizabeth de Burgh and the dramatic story of the Scottish Wars of Independence, to the love story and tragedy of Joan Beaufort, to Margaret of Denmark and the dawn of the Renaissance, Scotland’s Medieval Queens have seen it all. This is the story of Scotland through their eyes.
‘Scotland’s Medieval Queens gives a thorough grounding in the history of the women who ruled Scotland at the side of its kings, often in the shadows, but just as interesting in their lives beyond the spotlight. It’s not a subject that has been widely covered, and Sharon is a pioneer in bringing that information into accessible history.’ Elizabeth Chadwick (New York Times bestselling author)
Heroines of the Tudor World tells the stories of the most remarkable women from European history in the time of the Tudor dynasty, 1485-1603. These are the women who ruled, the women who founded dynasties, the women who fought for religious freedom, their families and love. Heroines of the Tudor World is now available for pre-order from Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK.Women of the Anarchy demonstrates how Empress Matilda and Matilda of Boulogne, unable to wield a sword themselves, were prime movers in this time of conflict and lawlessness. It shows how their strengths, weaknesses, and personal ambitions swung the fortunes of war one way – and then the other. Available from Bookshop.org, Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK. King John’s Right-Hand Lady: The Story of Nicholaa de la Haye is the story of a truly remarkable lady, the hereditary constable of Lincoln Castle and the first woman in England to be appointed sheriff in her own right. Available from all good bookshops Pen & Sword Books, bookshop.org and Amazon.
Alternate Endings: An anthology of historical fiction short stories including Long Live the King… which is my take what might have happened had King John not died in October 1216. Available in paperback and kindle from Amazon.
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Podcast:
Have a listen to theA Slice of Medieval podcast, which I co-host with Historical fiction novelist Derek Birks. Derek and I welcome guests, such as Bernard Cornwell and Elizabeth Chadwick, and discuss a wide range of topics in medieval history, from significant events to the personalities involved. In episode 15, Derek Birks and I discuss Nicholaa’s remarkable story:
William de Warenne, Holy Trinity Church, Southover
William de Warenne, first earl of Surrey, was a younger son of Rodulf de Warenne and his wife Beatrix. It is possible that Beatrix was a niece of Duchess Gunnor of Normandy, making young William a cousin of William the Bastard, Duke of Normandy. The family name is probably derived from the hamlet of Varenne, part of the Warenne lands in the modern French department of Seine-Inférieure, Normandy. William’s older brother, Rodulf or Ralph, would inherit the greater part of the Warenne family estates in Normandy.
William’s date of birth is unrecorded; a younger son of the minor nobility does not tend to get a mention until he does something remarkable or becomes someone notable. Although still young William was considered a capable and experienced enough soldier to be given joint command of a Norman army, by the mid-1050s. His first recorded military action is in the 1054 campaign against the French. He was one of the commanders who fought against the King of France’s brother, Count Odo, at the Battle of Mortemer.
De Warenne was rewarded with some of the lands of his kinsman, Roger (I) de Mortemer, who had fought for the French. William managed to retain some of these lands even after Mortemer was restored to favour, including the castles of Mortemer and Bellencombre. Bellencrombe would become the capital of the de Warenne estates in Normandy. De Warenne had also received some of the confiscated lands of William, count of Arques in 1053. Duke William’s confidence in de Warenne is demonstrated in the fact he was one of the barons consulted during the planning of the invasion of England in 1066.
In fact, William de Warenne is one of only a handful of Norman barons who can be positively identified as having fought at the Battle of Hastings on 14th October, 1066. De Warenne was rewarded with vast swathes of land throughout the country. According to the Domesday survey his lands extended over 13 counties: stretching from Conisbrough in Yorkshire to Lewes in Sussex. His territories were acquired over the course of the reign of William I and elevated him the highest rank of magnates. By 1086 his riches were only surpassed by the king’s half-brothers and his own kinsman, Roger de Montgomery. He still ranks in the Top 20 of the richest people in the world – ever!
Lewes Castle
Throughout his career, William de Warenne acquired lands in numerous counties, sometimes by nefarious means. Much of the property, such as Conisbrough, had formerly belonged to the late king, Harold. In Norfolk he is said to have asserted lordship over freemen not necessarily assigned to him. He had disputes with neighbouring landowners in Conisbrough, over which properties were sokelands and he is said to have stolen lands from the bishop of Durham and the abbot of Ely. Some acquisitions were obtained peacefully, such as the manor of Whitchurch in Shropshire, which was left to him by his kinsman Roger de Montgomery. William was an energetic and attentive landowner and improved the economy of most of his estates; more than tripling his sheep flock at Castle Acre and doubling the value of his Yorkshire estates in just 20 years (at a time when the county was devastated by the Harrying of the North).
In 1067 William de Warenne was one of 4 prominent Normans appointed to govern England during William the Conqueror’s absence in Normandy. Following the Conquest, he continued to support the king and – subsequently – his son, William II Rufus – as a military commander for over 20 years. In 1074 he was with his father at the abbey of Holy Trinity in Rouen, where he was a witness to his father’s last known charter, and in 1083-85 he fought with the king on campaign in Maine, being wounded at the siege of the castle of Sainte-Suzanne.
In 1075, along with Richard de Clare, his fellow justiciar, he was sent to deal with the rebellion of Earl Ralph de Gael of East Anglia. De Gael had failed to respond to their summons to answer for an act of defiance and so the 2 lords faced and defeated the rebels at Fawdon in Cambridgeshire, mutilating their prisoners afterwards. Ralph withdrew to Norwich Castle; besieged for 3 months he managed to escape his attackers by boat, while the castle surrendered and was occupied by de Warenne.
William de Warenne was married to a Flemish noblewoman, Gundrada; her brother Gerbod was sometime earl of Chester and another brother, Frederic, held lands in Norfolk which eventually passed to Gundrada. Frederic, appears to have jointly, with Gundrada, held lands in England even before the Conquest, when two people named Frederic and Gundrada are mentioned as holding four manors in Kent and Sussex. It would indeed be a coincidence if there were two other related people, named Frederic and Gundrada, very distinctive foreign names, in England at that time. Gundrada’s brothers, it seems, were deeply involved in the border politics between Flanders and Normandy; indeed, it is thought that Gerbod resigned his responsibilities in Chester in order to return to the Continent to oversee the family’s lands and duties there, following the death of an older brother, Arnulf II of Oosterzele-Scheldewindeke.
Gundrada de Warenne, Holy Trinity Church, Southover
Frederic was murdered by English freedom fighter, Hereward the Wake; his murder giving rise to a personal feud between Hereward and William de Warenne:
‘Among his other crimes, by trickery [Hereward] killed Frederick, brother of Earl William of Warenne, a man distinguished by lineage and possessions, who one night was surrounded in his own house. On account of his murder, such discord arose between Hereward and the aforesaid William that it could not be settled by any reparation nor in any court.’1
There has been considerable debate among historians over the theory that Gundrada may have been the daughter of William the Conqueror, but the confusion appears to have come from an unreliable charter belonging to Lewes Priory and Gundrada being part of the household of King William’s wife, Matilda. The confirmation charter of the foundation of the priory has King William naming ‘William de Warenne and his wife Gundrada, my daughter.’2 In the same charter, William de Warenne pleads ‘for the health of my mistress Queen Matilda, mother of my wife.’3 However, this is a confirmation of an earlier charter and in the original, while the king and William de Warenne, both, mention Gundrada, neither refer to her as being related to the king or queen.
Historian Elisabeth van Houts argues that Gundrada was most likely a distant relative of Queen Matilda and the counts of Flanders, as asserted in her epitaph as ‘offspring of dukes’ and a ‘noble shoot’. Indeed, had her father been William the Conqueror, her epitaph would surely have referred to her as the offspring of kings. Even if she had been the daughter of Matilda by an earlier marriage, off-spring of kings would have still been appropriate, given that Queen Matilda was the granddaughter of King Robert II of France. Though it does seem likely that Matilda and Gundrada were related in some way, perhaps distant cousins.
The ‘dukes’ referred to in Gundrada’s epitaph, although naturally assumed to be of Normandy, could well refer to a kinship with the house of Luxembourg, to which Queen Matilda’s paternal grandmother, Orgive, belonged. Moreover, Frederic was a familial name within the house of Luxembourg. This kinship via the House of Luxembourg with Queen Matilda would also explain the queen’s gift to Gundrada, of the manor of Carlton, which is usually given as evidence that Gundrada belonged to the queen’s household; an association which would be entirely consistent with kinship.
De Warenne coat of arms, Holy Trinity Church, Southover
Gundrada and William were married sometime around the time of the Conquest, either before or after the expedition to conquer England. They had 3 children together. Their eldest son, William, would succeed his father as Earl of Surrey and Warenne. He married Isabel de Vermandois, widow of Robert de Beaumont, earl of Leicester; with whom he had, according to one chronicler, been having an affair even before the earl’s death. Young William had a chequered career, he supported the claims of Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy, to the English throne against the duke’s younger brother, Henry I, but changed sides and fought for Henry at the Battle of Tinchebrai in 1106. Duke Robert lost and was captured and imprisoned by Henry. William remained in the king’s favour for the rest of the reign, fighting alongside Henry at the Battle of Bremule in 1119. William, his son and stepsons were at Henry’s deathbed at Lyons-la-Foret when he died in 1135.
William and Gundrada’s second son, Rainald de Warenne, led the assault on Rouen in 1090, for William II Rufus, in the conflict between the English king and his older brother, Duke Robert. However, by 1105 Rainald was fighting for the duke against the youngest of the Conqueror’s sons, Henry I, defending the castle of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dives for the duke. He was captured by Henry the following year but had been freed by September 1106. It is possible he died shortly after but was certainly dead by 1118 when his brother issued a charter, in which he gave 6 churches to Lewes Priory, for the soul of deceased family members, including Rainald.
Gundrada and William also had a daughter, Edith, who married Gerard de Gournay, son of the lord of Gournay-en-Bray. Gerard also supported William II Rufus against Duke Robert and took part in the Crusade of 1096. Edith later accompanied him on pilgrimage back to Jerusalem, sometime after 1104, where he died. Gerard was succeeded by their son, Hugh de Gournay, whose daughter Gundreda would be the mother of Roger de Mowbray. Edith then married Drew de Monchy, with whom she had a son, Drew the Younger.
Castle Acre, Norfollk, where Gundrada died
Sadly, Gundrada died in childbirth at Castle Acre in Norfolk on 27th May 1085. She was buried in the chapter house of the couple’s own of foundation Lewes Priory.
William’s second wife was a sister of Richard Guet, who was described as ‘frater comitissae Warennae’ when he gave the manor of Cowyck to Bermondsey Abbey in 1098.3 Guet was a landowner in Perche, Normandy, but his sister’s name has not survived the passage of time. All we know of her is that, a few days after her husband’s death, she attempted to gift 100 shillings to Ely Abbey in restitution for damage caused by William de Warenne. The monks refused the donation, hoping that Warenne’s departing soul had been claimed by demons.4
Despite this feud with Ely, William de Warenne and his wife, Gundrada, had a reputation for piety. At some point in their marriage, probably 1081-3, they went on pilgrimage to Rome. Due of war in Italy they only got as far as the great abbey of Cluny in Burgundy, where they were received into the fellowship of monks. On their return to England, they founded a priory at Lewes, following the Cluniac rule and a prior and 3 monks were sent from Cluny to establish the foundation. It was the first Cluniac foundation in England.
St Pancras priory, Lewes, founded by William and Gundrada
Following the Conqueror’s death, William fought in support of the late king’s second son, William II Rufus against his older brother, Robert Curthose, who had inherited the dukedom of Normandy. He was rewarded in early 1088 with the earldom of Surrey. The new earl fought for William II Rufus during an invasion by Robert’s supporters and was badly wounded at the siege of Pevensey Castle, East Sussex, in the spring of 1088. He was taken to Lewes, where he died of his wounds on 24th June of the same year. Earl Warenne was buried beside his first wife, Gundrada, in the chapter house of Lewes Priory.
Following the dissolution of Lewes Priory in the 16th century, Gundrada’s tombstone was first moved to Isfield Church; it was moved again in 1775 to the parish church of St John the Baptist at Southover in Lewes. The remains of Gundrada and William, themselves, were discovered in 2 leaden chests in 1845, when the railway line was excavated through the priory grounds. They were laid to rest, for a final time, at the Southover church, in 1847, in a chapel dedicated to Gundrada de Warenne.
William and Gundrada de Warenne had founded a dynasty that would survive for almost 300 years, dying out in the reign of Edward III following the disastrous marriage of John de Warenne, 7th and last Earl of Warenne and Surrey
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Footnotes:
¹ The Warenne (Hyde) Chronicle edited and translated by Elisabeth M.C. van Houts and Rosalind C. Love; 2 My translation from quote in George Floyd Duckett, Observations on the Parentage of Gundreda, the Daughter of William Duke of Normandy, and Wife of William de Warenne; 3 ibid; 4 Early Yorkshire Charters Volume 8: The Honour of Warenne, Edited by William Farrer and Charles Travis Clay; 5 ibid
Early Yorkshire Charters Volume 8: The Honour of Warenne, Edited by William Farrer and Charles Travis Clay; England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings by Robert Bartlett; Brewer’s British Royalty by David Williamson; Britain’s Royal Families, the Complete Genealogy by Alison Weir; british-history.ac.uk; kristiedean.com; English Heritage Guidebook for Conisbrough Castle by Steven Brindle and Agnieszka Sadrei; oxforddnb.com; George Floyd Duckett, Observations on the Parentage of Gundreda, the Daughter of William Duke of Normandy, and Wife of William de Warenne; Elisabeth M.C. Van Houts and Rosalind C. Love (eds and trans), The Warenne (Hyde) Chronicle; C.P. Lewis, ‘Warenne, Gundrada de (d.1085)’, ODNB; Elisabeth Van Houts, ‘The Warenne View of the Past’, in Proceedings of the Battle Conference 2003, edited by John Gillingham
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My Books:
Signed, dedicated copies of all my books are available through my online store.
Out now: Scotland’s Medieval Queens
Scotland’s history is dramatic, violent and bloody. Being England’s northern neighbour has never been easy. Scotland’s queens have had to deal with war, murder, imprisonment, political rivalries and open betrayal. They have loved and lost, raised kings and queens, ruled and died for Scotland. From St Margaret, who became one of the patron saints of Scotland, to Elizabeth de Burgh and the dramatic story of the Scottish Wars of Independence, to the love story and tragedy of Joan Beaufort, to Margaret of Denmark and the dawn of the Renaissance, Scotland’s Medieval Queens have seen it all. This is the story of Scotland through their eyes.
‘Scotland’s Medieval Queens gives a thorough grounding in the history of the women who ruled Scotland at the side of its kings, often in the shadows, but just as interesting in their lives beyond the spotlight. It’s not a subject that has been widely covered, and Sharon is a pioneer in bringing that information into accessible history.’ Elizabeth Chadwick (New York Times bestselling author)
Heroines of the Tudor World tells the stories of the most remarkable women from European history in the time of the Tudor dynasty, 1485-1603. These are the women who ruled, the women who founded dynasties, the women who fought for religious freedom, their families and love. Heroines of the Tudor World is now available for pre-order from Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK.Women of the Anarchy demonstrates how Empress Matilda and Matilda of Boulogne, unable to wield a sword themselves, were prime movers in this time of conflict and lawlessness. It shows how their strengths, weaknesses, and personal ambitions swung the fortunes of war one way – and then the other. Available from Bookshop.org, Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK. King John’s Right-Hand Lady: The Story of Nicholaa de la Haye is the story of a truly remarkable lady, the hereditary constable of Lincoln Castle and the first woman in England to be appointed sheriff in her own right. Available from all good bookshops Pen & Sword Books, bookshop.org and Amazon.
Alternate Endings: An anthology of historical fiction short stories including Long Live the King… which is my take what might have happened had King John not died in October 1216. Available in paperback and kindle from Amazon.
Podcast:
Have a listen to theA Slice of Medieval podcast, which I co-host with Historical fiction novelist Derek Birks. Derek and I welcome guests, such as Bernard Cornwell and Elizabeth Chadwick, and discuss a wide range of topics in medieval history, from significant events to the personalities involved.
Isabelle d’Angoulême was the only child of Audemar, Count of Angoulême and Alice de Courtenay. Her mother was the daughter Peter de Courtenay, lord of Montargis and Chateaurenard, and a cousin of king Philip II Augustus of France. Through her Courtenay family connections, Isabelle was related to the royal houses of Jerusalem, Hungary, Aragon and Castile. When John set his sights on her, Isabelle was betrothed to Hugh IX de Lusignan: the chronicler Roger of Howden maintained that Isabelle had not yet reached the age of consent, which was why she was still only betrothed to Hugh, rather than married to him. The marriage between Isabelle and Hugh was intended to put to bed, literally, a long-running, bitter rivalry between the Lusignans and the counts of Angoulême. It would also unite neighbouring regions in Aquitaine, posing a threat to Angevin power in the region. This could have effectively cut Aquitaine in two, jeopardising the stability of the borders of Poitou and Gascony. John could not help but see the threat posed by the impending marriage and sought to put a stop to it. Count Audemar, it seems, was quite receptive to the suggestion that he abandon the Lusignan match if it meant that his daughter would become a queen.
King John
In the early years of their marriage, John appears to have treated Isabelle more like a child than a wife, which she still was, and she was financially dependent on him. When she was not at court with the king, Isabelle spent time at Marlborough Castle or in the household of John’s first wife, Isabella of Gloucester, at Winchester. Isabella’s allowance was raised from £50 to £80 a year, to pay for the extra expenses incurred by housing the queen.
It appears that Isabelle was an unpopular queen, guilty by her association with the excesses and abuses of John’s regime. It was in this light that John’s marriage to Isabelle was seen as the start of England’s woes, with some of the blame falling unfairly on the young queen. Contemporary sources reported that John spent his mornings in bed with the queen, when he should have been attending to the business of the country, casting Isabelle as some kind of temptress, irresistible to the king. The fact that Isabelle did not give birth to her first child until 1207, when she was in her late teens, puts the lie to these sources, suggesting that she and John did not consummate the marriage in the first few years. After 16 years together, the couple had 5 children; Henry III, Richard of Cornwall, Isabella, Joan and the youngest, Eleanor, who was born in 1215 or 1216.
While her movements were restricted and closely controlled during her marriage to John, the situation did not improve for Isabelle following John’s death in 1216. Their 9-year-old son Henry was now king, but Isabelle was excluded from playing a role in the regency government; her unpopularity in England and lack of political experience were major factors. Moreover, she had had limited contact with her children: they lived in separate households and Isabelle was not responsible for their supervision or education, which added to her isolation. Almost as soon as Henrys crowned, Isabelle started making arrangements to go home, to Angoulême, of which she was countess in her own right. In 1217 she left England.
Isabelle’s son, Henry III of England
Once in her own domains, Isabelle was to arrange the wedding of her daughter, Joan. Joan had been betrothed, at the age of 4, to Hugh X de Lusignan, Count of La Marche and the son of Hugh IX, the man who had been betrothed to Isabelle before John married her. In 1220 Isabelle shocked England, and probably the whole continent, when she scandalously married her daughter’s betrothed herself. Poor 9-year-old Joan’s erstwhile fiancé was now her stepfather! Worse was to come, however, when the little princess was not returned to her homeland, as might have been expected, but held hostage, by Isabelle and Hugh, to ensure Hugh’s continued control of her dower lands, and as a guarantee to the transfer of her mother’s dower, which the English government was withholding against the return of Joan.
Stalemate.
Isabelle wrote to her son, Henry III, to explain and justify why she had supplanted her own daughter as Hugh’s bride, claiming ‘…lord Hugh of Lusignan remained alone and without heir in the region of Poitou, and his friends did not permit our daughter to be married to him, because she is so young; but they counselled him to take a wife from whom he might quickly have heirs, and it was suggested that he take a wife in France. If he had done so, all your land in Poitou and Gascony and ours would have been lost. But we, seeing the great danger that might emerge from such a marriage – and your counsellors would give us no counsel in this – took said H[ugh], count of La Marche, as our lord; and God knows that we did this more for your advantage than ours…’
Ironically, Isabelle had now achieved that which King John had hoped to avoid; the union of La Marche and Angoulême, splitting Angevin Aquitaine down the Little Joan was finally returned to England towards the end of 1220, but the arguments over Isabelle’s English lands continued throughout the 1220s and beyond. Isabelle would not retire in peace and in 1224 she and Hugh betrayed Henry by allying themselves with the King of France. In exchange for a substantial pension, they supported a French invasion of Poitou (the lands in France belonging to the King of England, her son).
Seal of Hugh X de Lusignan
Hugh and Isabelle were reconciled with Henry in 1226 and Isabelle met her first-born son for the first time in more than twelve years in 1230, when Henry mounted a futile expedition to Brittany and Poitou. Isabelle and Hugh, however, continued to play the kings of France and England against each other, always looking for the advantage, though this was probably as much by necessity as self-interest. They did, after all, live in France and their relationship with England complicated things. In 1242, for example, when Henry III invaded Poitou, Hugh X initially gave support to his English stepson, only to change sides once more, precipitating the collapse of Henry’s campaign. Isabelle herself was implicated in a plot to poison King Louis IX of France and his brother, only to be foiled at the last minute; the poisoners claimed to have been sent by Isabelle. There is no evidence of Isabelle denying the accusation, but she never admitted her guilt, either.
Isabelle’s second marriage proved even more unstable than her first, shaken by Hugh’s frequent infidelities and threats of divorce. Isabelle enjoyed greater personal authority within her second marriage; where she had issued no charters whilst married to King John, as Hugh de Lusignan’s wife, the couple issued numerous joint charters. Her difficult relationship with France added to Isabelle’s marital problems. In one instance, Isabelle was offended by the queen of France when she was not offered a chair to sit, in the queen’s presence, regardless of the fact she herself was a crowned and anointed queen. Following this insult, in 1241, Isabelle castigated Hugh de Lusignan for supporting a French candidate to the county of Poitou, ahead of her son, Henry III. In retaliation, Isabelle stripped Lusignan Castle of its furnishings and refused to allow her husband into her castle at Angoulême for three days.
Despite the rocky relationship, Isabelle and Hugh had nine children together, including Aymer de Lusignan and William de Valence. Many of his Lusignan half-siblings would later cause problems for Henry III, having come to England to seek patronage and advancement from their royal half-brother.
Tomb effigy of Isabelle d’Angoulême, Fontevraud Abbey
In 1244 the two royal cooks admitted the attempted poisoning of the French king, and that they had been paid by Isabelle. Before she could be arrested, Isabelle retired to Fontevraud Abbey, where she died on 4 June, 1246. The dowager queen of England was buried in the abbey’s churchyard. However, when Henry III visited his mother’s final resting place, he was shocked that she was buried outside the abbey and ordered that she be moved inside. She was finally laid to rest in the abbey church, beside Henry II and Eleanor of Aquitaine.
As contemporaries described her as ‘more Jezebel than Isabel’, accused her of ‘sorcery and witchcraft’, Isabelle of Angouleme’s reputation as a heartless mother and habitual schemer seems set to remain. Married to King John whilst still a child, she was castigated as the cause for the loss of the majority of John’s continental possessions and the subsequent strife and civil war; one could easily sympathise with her lack of love for England. That Isabelle apparently abandoned the children of her first husband within months of his death, and her supposed willingness to betray her son for her own ends would go some way to destroy the compassion one may have felt for her. However, we have to remember that nothing is ever black and white and we have to consider that Isabelle was balancing the interests of her two families – one French and one English – which were, unfortunately for Isabelle, irreconcilable due to the politics of the time.
One thing is for sure, Isabelle d’Angoulême is a fascinating character!
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Images:
Courtesy of Wikipedia
Sources:
Rich Price, King John’s Letters Facebook group; Robert Bartlett England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings 1075-1225; Dan Jones The Plantagenets; the Kings who Made England; The Plantagenet Chronicle Edited by Elizabeth Hallam; Maurice Ashley The Life and Times of King John; Roy Strong The Story of Britain; Oxford Companion to British History; Mike Ashley British Kings & Queens; David Williamson Brewer’s British Royalty; Ralph of Diceto, Images of History; Marc Morris, King John; David Crouch, William Marshal; Crouch and Holden, History of William Marshal; Crouch, David, ‘William Marshal [called the Marshal], fourth earl of Pembroke (c. 1146–1219)’, Oxforddnb.com; Flanagan, M.T., ‘Isabel de Clare, suo jure countess of Pembroke (1171×6–1220)’, Oxforddnb.com; Thomas Asbridge, The Greatest Knight; Chadwick, Elizabeth, ‘Clothing the Bones: Finding Mahelt Marshal’, livingthehistoryelizabethchadwick.blogspot.com; Stacey, Robert C., ‘Roger Bigod, fourth earl of Norfolk (c. 1212-1270)’, Oxforddnb.com; finerollshenry3.org.uk; Vincent, Nicholas, ‘William de Warenne, fifth earl of Surrey [Earl Warenne] (d. 1240)’, Oxforddnb.com.
My Books:
Signed, dedicated copies of all my books are available through my online store.
Out now: Scotland’s Medieval Queens
Scotland’s history is dramatic, violent and bloody. Being England’s northern neighbour has never been easy. Scotland’s queens have had to deal with war, murder, imprisonment, political rivalries and open betrayal. They have loved and lost, raised kings and queens, ruled and died for Scotland. From St Margaret, who became one of the patron saints of Scotland, to Elizabeth de Burgh and the dramatic story of the Scottish Wars of Independence, to the love story and tragedy of Joan Beaufort, to Margaret of Denmark and the dawn of the Renaissance, Scotland’s Medieval Queens have seen it all. This is the story of Scotland through their eyes.
Heroines of the Tudor World tells the stories of the most remarkable women from European history in the time of the Tudor dynasty, 1485-1603. These are the women who ruled, the women who founded dynasties, the women who fought for religious freedom, their families and love. Heroines of the Tudor World is now available for pre-order from Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK.Women of the Anarchy demonstrates how Empress Matilda and Matilda of Boulogne, unable to wield a sword themselves, were prime movers in this time of conflict and lawlessness. It shows how their strengths, weaknesses, and personal ambitions swung the fortunes of war one way – and then the other. Available from Bookshop.org, Amberley Publishing and Amazon UK. King John’s Right-Hand Lady: The Story of Nicholaa de la Haye is the story of a truly remarkable lady, the hereditary constable of Lincoln Castle and the first woman in England to be appointed sheriff in her own right. Available from all good bookshops Pen & Sword Books, bookshop.org and Amazon.
Alternate Endings: An anthology of historical fiction short stories including Long Live the King… which is my take what might have happened had King John not died in October 1216. Available in paperback and kindle from Amazon.
Podcast:
Have a listen to theA Slice of Medieval podcast, which I co-host with Historical fiction novelist Derek Birks. Derek and I welcome guests, such as Bernard Cornwell, Elizabeth Chadwick and Michael Jecks, and discuss a wide range of topics in medieval history, from significant events to the personalities involved. Every episode is also now available on YouTube.
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Don’t forget!Signed and dedicated copies of all my books are available through my online store.
For forthcoming online and in-person talks, please check out my Events Page.
History... the interesting bits! 