Guest Post: Philip Lovell, a career in royal service by Monika E Simon

Today it is a pleasure to welcome author Monika E Simon back to the blog, with an article looking at one particular member of the Lovell family. Monika’s book, From Robber Barons to Courtiers: The Changing World of the Lovells of Titchmarsh, has just been released in the UK. Over to Monika:

Philip Lovell, a career in royal service

Parish church of St James the Great, Hanslope, Buckinghamshire

Philip Lovell was the younger son of William Lovell II and his wife Isabel (family unknown). He was the only member of the Lovell family who entered the church and had a successful if chequered career as a clerk and administrator in royal service, culminating in his appointment as Treasurer of England in 1252. He is also the first Lovell who left a significant trail in the royal records.Nonetheless, little is known about Philip Lovell’s early life. When his father William Lovell II died in 1212/13, Philip’s elder brother John Lovell I was still underage and King John granted his wardship to his supporter Alan Basset. As younger brother, Philip must have been underage as well. Unlike others who made their career in the church, Philip Lovell did not set his feet on this path as a young man. He married at an unknown time the widow of Alexander de Arsic whose name unfortunately is also unknown. They had three children, two sons, Philip Lovell the younger and Henry Lovell, and one daughter Amicia who married Richard de Curzon of Derbyshire. It is also not known when Philip Lovell’s wife died.

After his wife’s death Philip Lovell entered the church and in 1231/32 was ordained subdeacon and given the living in Lutterworth (Leicestershire) by Nicholas de Verdun. It may have also been Nicholas de Verdun who introduced Philip to Roger de Quincy, Earl of Winchester and Constable of Scotland, whose service Philip entered. Again the information is vague but Philip was witnessing the earl’s charters before 1240 and eventually became the earl’s steward for his English estates. During this period, Philip Lovell frequently travelled to Scotland where he earned the friendship of King Alexander II and second his wife Marie de Coucy, as Mathew Paris reports.

Philip Lovell must have worked efficiently and without causing trouble as otherwise Roger de Quincy would not have employed him as a steward or at least retained him in that position.

Over time Philip Lovell gained several positions in the church. He was as rector of Stanground (Huntingdonshire), Rock (Worcestershire), canon of London, and holding the living of Hanslope.

Seal of Alexander II

After about ten years in the service of Roger de Quincy and, no doubt using the contacts he had made for example with William Mauduit, Chamberlain of the Exchequer, entered the service of Henry III. In 1249 Philip Lovell was appointed a justiciary of the Jews through the influence of another influential man, John Mansel. Mansel was an ambitious and highly successful administrator whom Mathew Paris described as Henry III chief or special councillor. Perhaps he felt responsible for the man, he had introduced to royal service but he remained a firm supporter of Philip Lovell throughout his time in royal service.

At first everything went well for Philip Lovell and in 1250 he was styled a clerk and counsellor of the king. But a year later, Philip was disgraced for allegedly taking bribes from wealthy Jews in return for reducing the amount of tallage they had to pay. It is possible that the charges were trumped up by his rival and colleague, Robert de la Ho, as chronicles imply.

John Mansel and Alexander III of Scotland put in a good word with Henry III and Philip was restored to favour. John Mansel arranged for Alexander III to petition Henry III to restore Philip to favour, which he did remembering his parents friendship with Philip. Philip Lovell must have made a very good and lasting impression on Alexander II and his queen for his son to petition Henry III. John Mansel himself paid the fine of 10 marks of gold (a substantial sum) that Philip had offered. Even if Mansel felt responsible for the man he had been instrumental to gain the position as justiciar of the Jews it seems unlikely to me he would have gone to such length if he had thought that Philip was completely hopeless.

Philip Lovell’s restoration to favour was complete and swift. Not even a year after his dismissal from office, on 27 August 1252, he was appointed Treasurer of England. As a key figure in the administration of the country, his name appears constantly in the government records. The Patent Rolls, Close Rolls, and the Liberate Rolls of this period contain a multitude of references to his work which was incredibly varied.

Eleanor of England, Countess of Leicester

The Liberate Rolls are the records of the writs ordering money to be paid out of the treasury. The work of the treasurer was varied and often hands-on. Most often, Philip Lovell was the person to authorise the payment. For example when the sheriffs of London were to be repaid for the lead they had purchased for building works in Windsor and on another occasion for the transport of the gear of the king’s pavilion in Westminster to Portsmouth. On other occasions the sheriff of Surrey and Sussex had transported the king’s treasure from London to Portsmouth. The sheriff of Kent was paid back the money he had spent on the reception of the Barsias Martini, the elect of Toledo and his household in Dover and on their travels to the New Temple in London.

Money was also paid out to Eleanor of England, Countess of Leicester for her dower. In 1256, Philip Lovell received 1,600 marks from Margaret de Lascy, Countess of Lincoln, a part payment of the arrears of the money she owned as her share of the dower payments to Eleanor of England.

Philip himself was often purchasing items for the royal court. For example, he bought 30 gold-wrought cloths for Queen Eleanor or wax for the king’s children in Windsor.

The purchases also shed a light on the sheer size of the royal household. In 1253, Philip Lovell and two colleagues purchased 82 gold buckles, 277 precious rings of gold, 15 girdles, 89 ‘massive’ rings of gold, and 14 ‘massive’ buckles of gold to the tune of £250 17s. 5d. In 1254, 600 ells of linen were bought to make napkins for the feast of St Edward. Another large purchase, in 1255, was of various spices: 385 pounds of pepper, 386 pounds of ginger, 4 pounds of mace, 12 pounds of setwall (valerian), and 16 pound of sugar ‘of Alexandria’. Sheep, boars and fowl were sent from the sheriff of Buckinghamshire to Westminster for the Feast of St Edward in 1255. Wine was also bought for the king. On several occasions Philip Lovell himself bought the wine and transported it to where the royal household was at the time.

Another frequent expense was for gift of the king to a church or cleric. In 1255, for example, five gold-wrought cloths, a piece of red sandal (a light silk material), and another piece of green sandal were bought for a cloth for St Peter’s in Westminster. In 1256, Philip Lovell bought an embroidered cope to give to the church of St Edmund. A year later he bought another embroidered cope that was a gift by the king to Westminster in honour of St Edward. It was not only vestments and cloth that was given to churches, in 1257 Philip bought a gold buckle for 10 marks to give to the feretory of St Edmund of Pontigny.

Hoard of Anglo-Saxon rings found at Leeds, West Yorkshire

For his service to the king, Philip Lovell was to be given ecclesiastical benefices, dignities or prebends to the amount of 200 marks per year. He was granted free pasture in the forest of Whittlewood and received gifts of trees on several occasions. He also often received grants of deer from the royal forests. In 1250, he simply took a hind and a doe in Sherwood Forest without asking prior permission. His pardon by the king for this offence must be regarded as a further sign of the good favour he stood in. Philip Lovell was also granted the wardship and marriage of the heirs of Vivian de Staundon.

Not all of Henry III attempts to promote his treasurer were successful. In 1257 he tried to persuade the monks of Coventry to make Philip Lovell bishop of Lichfield and Coventry but without success.

In the late 1250s, the dissatisfaction of the barons of England increased and with the charismatic leadership of Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester the demands for changes in the government grew louder. Philip Lovell was one of the men they wanted to remove from office. He had been too harsh in his attempts to find revenue for the treasury, as in 1255 when he was making an inquiry into the king’s revenues and rights in eight midland counties. Simon de Montfort had his private complaints against the king and his treasurer as the payments of his wife’s dower were a constant problem. The critics were eventually successful. Philip Lovell was accused of plundering the forest of Whittlewood, charges that were trumped up according to Nicholas Vincent in his biography of Philip Lovell in the ODNB. Nonetheless, Philip was dismissed from service and replaced by John de Crachale, archdeacon of Bedford.

Philip Lovell retired to Hanslope where he died on 29 December 1258 of grief that the king, whom he had served so faithfully, would not forgive him. His estates, which included lands in Little Brickhill (Buckinghamshire), Littlebury (Essex), and Snotescombe (Northamptonshire), were at first confiscated but later divided between his three children and his nephew John Lovell II.

Coronation of King Henry III

Philip Lovell was a controversial figure. He lost his position as he was thoroughly disliked by many barons. Being responsible for collecting taxes and guarding the king’s financial rights and income is, if done thoroughly, not a job that is likely to make a person popular with those whose money he took. Modern historians are also critical. J.R. Maddicot describes him as ‘a man with a bad reputation for corrupt and oppressive behaviour’. Matthew Paris by contrast calls him a prudent, eloquent and magnanimous man.

Philip Lovell’s nephew, John Lovell II also entered royal service though he choose the more traditional route for a noblemen: service in war. It is possible that his uncle’s position at court helped him in this respect. However, John Lovell II’s maternal uncles, the Bassets, were a stronger influence that his paternal uncle Philip. Several brothers of John Lovell II’s mother Katherine were high-ranking members of the royal administration. The fact that John Lovell II decided to adapt the Basset coat of arms to become that used by the Lovell family speaks for a close link between the two families.

Images:

Church of England parish church of St James the Great, Hanslope, Buckinghamshire, seen from the southwest
(John Salmon / St James the Great, Hanslope, Bucks via Wikimedia Commons) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:St_James_the_Great,_Hanslope,_Bucks_-_geograph.org.uk_-_333065.jpg

Steel engraving and enhancement of the Great Seal of Alexander II, King of Alba (Scotland) (Unknown author, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Alexander_II_(Alba)_i.JPG

Eleanor of England, Countess of Leicester (Unknown author, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons)
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Alienor_Pembroke.jpg

Hoard of Anglo-Saxon rings found at Leeds, West Yorkshire (portableantiquities, CC BY 2.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0&gt;, via Wikimedia Commons)

Coronation of King Henry III (Unknown author, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:HenryIII.jpg

About the Author:

Monika E. Simon studied Medieval History, Ancient History, and English Linguistics and Middle English Literature at the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich, from which she received an MA. She wrote her DPhil thesis about the Lovells of Titchmarsh at the University of York. She lives and works in Munich.

Links:
https://www.pen-and-sword.co.uk/From-Robber-Barons-to-Courtiers-Hardback/p/19045
https://www.facebook.com/MoniESim
http://www.monikasimon.eu/lovell.html

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My Books

Defenders of the Norman Crown: The Rise and Fall of the Warenne Earls of Surrey tells the fascinating story of the Warenne dynasty, of the successes and failures of one of the most powerful families in England, from its origins in Normandy, through the Conquest, Magna Carta, the wars and marriages that led to its ultimate demise in the reign of Edward III.

1 family. 8 earls. 300 years of English history!

Defenders of the Norman Crown: Rise and Fall of the Warenne Earls of Surrey is now available from Pen & Sword BooksAmazon in the UK and US and Book Depository.

Also by Sharon Bennett Connolly:

Ladies of Magna Carta: Women of Influence in Thirteenth Century England looks into the relationships of the various noble families of the 13th century, and how they were affected by the Barons’ Wars, Magna Carta and its aftermath; the bonds that were formed and those that were broken. It is now available from Pen & Sword,  Amazon and from Book Depository worldwide.

Heroines of the Medieval World tells the stories of some of the most remarkable women from Medieval history, from Eleanor of Aquitaine to Julian of Norwich. Available now from Amberley Publishing and Amazon and Book Depository.

Silk and the Sword: The Women of the Norman Conquest traces the fortunes of the women who had a significant role to play in the momentous events of 1066.  Available now from Amazon,  Amberley Publishing, Book Depository.

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Magna Carta and the Princesses of Scotland

12215 Magna Carta, British Library

Other than the Queen of England, Isabelle d’Angoulême, only two women who can be clearly identified in Magna Carta itself. Though they are not mentioned by name, they are two Scottish princesses. The older sisters of King Alexander II had been held hostage in England since 1209, when John forced the humiliating Treaty of Norham on their ailing father, King William the Lion. Clause 59 of Magna Carta promised:

‘We will treat Alexander, king of Scots, concerning the return of his sisters and hostages and his liberties and rights in the same manner in which we will act towards our other barons of England, unless it ought to be otherwise because of the charters which we have from William his father, formerly king of Scots; and this shall be determined by the judgement of his peers in our court.

Taken from Marc Morris, King John

The king of Scots’ two sisters referred to in the clause were Margaret and Isabella, the oldest daughters of William I (the Lion), King of Scots, and his wife, Ermengarde de Beaumont. The two girls had been caught up in the power struggle between their father and the Plantagenet kings. William I had been the second of three sons of Henry, Earl of Northumberland, and his wife, Ada de Warenne. He was, therefore, a grandson of David I and great-grandson of Malcolm III Canmor and St Margaret, the Anglo-Saxon princess. William had succeeded to his father’s earldom of Northumberland in June 1153, when his older brother, Malcolm IV, succeeded their grandfather as King of Scots. William himself became King of Scots on Malcolm’s death on 9 December 1165, aged about 23.

When William was looking for a wife, in 1186, King Henry II suggested Ermengarde de Beaumont, daughter of Richard, Vicomte de Beaumont-sur-Sarthe, and great-granddaughter of Henry I of England through one of the king’s many illegitimate offspring. With such diluted royal blood, she was hardly a prestigious match for the king of Scots, but he reluctantly accepted the marriage after consulting his advisers. The wedding took place at Woodstock on 5 September 1186, with King Henry hosting four days of festivities and Edinburgh Castle was returned to the Scots as part of Ermengarde’s dowry.

William the Lion, King of Scots

After the wedding, King William accompanied King Henry to Marlborough whilst the new Scottish queen was escorted to her new home by Jocelin, Bishop of Glasgow, and other Scottish nobles. Before 1195 Queen Ermengarde gave birth to two daughters, Margaret and Isabella. A son, the future Alexander II, was finally born at Haddington on 24 August 1198, the first legitimate son born to a reigning Scottish king in seventy years; a contemporary remarked that ‘many rejoiced at his birth.’1 A third daughter, Marjorie, was born sometime later.

Margaret, the eldest daughter of William I and Ermengarde de Beaumont, had been born sometime between her parents’ marriage in 1186 and 1195, unfortunately we cannot be more specific. Given the apparent youth of Ermengarde on her wedding day, Margaret’s date of birth is more likely to have been 1190 or later. We do know that she was born by 1195, as she was mooted as a possible heir to King William I in the succession crisis of that year, when the king fell gravely ill. Primogeniture was not yet the established order of succession, nor was the idea of a female ruler a welcome one; the period known to history as the Anarchy, which followed King Stephen’s usurpation of the throne from Empress Matilda, would have still been fresh in people’s memories, even in Scotland. King David had, after all, supported his niece’s claims against those of her cousin. The lesson of 20 years of civil war, albeit over the border, would have given William’s counsellors pause for thought in their own succession issue.

King John

Several options were proposed at the time, including marrying young Margaret to Otto of Saxony, son of Henry II’s eldest daughter Matilda and nephew of King Richard I. However, it was also proposed that Margaret should not even be considered as heir, that the kingdom should pass to her father’s younger brother, David. In the event, King William recovered and none of the options were pursued, but at least it means that we know Margaret was born before 1195. And when her brother, Alexander, was born in 1198, Margaret’s position as a possible heir was diminished further.

Margaret’s younger sister, Isabella’s date and year of birth is unknown; she was older than her brother, Alexander, who was born in 1198, but may have been born any time in the ten years before. She is not mentioned in the succession crisis of 1195, but that does not mean that she was born after, just that, being the younger daughter, she was not a subject of discussions. Jessica Nelson, in her article for the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, suggests that Isabella was born in 1195 or 1196.

The two young princesses became the unwitting pawns in political relations between England and Scotland when the two kings, John and William the Lion, met at Norham, Northumberland, in the last week of July and first week of August 1209. The Scots were in a desperate position, with an ailing and ageing king, and a 10-year-old boy as heir, whilst the English, with their Welsh allies and foreign mercenaries, had an army big enough to force a Scottish submission. The subsequent treaty, agreed at Norham on 7 August, was humiliating for the Scots. John would have the castle at Tweedmouth dismantled, but the Scots would pay an extra £4,000 compensation for the damage they had caused to it. The Scots also agreed to pay 15,000 marks for peace and to surrender hostages, including the king’s two oldest legitimate daughters, Margaret and Isabella.

Norham Castle

As a sweetener, John promised to marry the princesses to his sons; although Henry was only 2 years old at the time and Richard was just 8 months, whilst the girls were probably in their early-to-mid teens. The king’s daughters and the other Scottish hostages were handed into the custody of England’s justiciar, at Carlisle on 16 August. How the girls, or their parents, thought about this turn of events, we know not. Given John’s proven record of prevarication and perfidy, King William may have hoped that the promised marriages would occur in good time, but may also have expected that John would find a way out of the promises made.

John’s demand of Margaret and Isabella as hostages, with the sweetener that they would be brides for his own sons, may well have been to prevent Margaret marrying elsewhere. King Philip II of France had expressed interest in a marriage between himself and Margaret, a union John would be keen to thwart. Thus, John’s control of the marriages of Margaret and Isabella would mean that they could not marry against the king of England’s own interests. It also meant that King William had lost two useful diplomatic bargaining chips; marriage alliances could be used to cement political ones, and these had been passed to John, weakening William’s position on the international stage. According to the chronicler Bower, the agreement specified that Margaret would marry John’s son, Henry, while Isabella would be married to an English nobleman of rank.

When the sisters were brought south, they were housed comfortably, as evidence demonstrates. While hostages in England, Margaret and Isabella were kept together, and lived comfortably, although John’s promise of arranging marriages for the girls remained unfulfilled. Payments for their upkeep were recorded by sheriffs and the king’s own wardrobe, which suggests the two princesses spent some time at court. In 1213 Isabella was residing at Corfe Castle in the household of John’s queen, Isabelle d’Angoulême; John’s niece, Eleanor of Brittany, held captive since the failed rebellion of her brother, Arthur of Brittany in 1202, was also there.

Alexander II, King of Scots

One can imagine the frustration of the Scots, to see their princesses languishing in the custody of the English; their inclusion in clause 59 of Magna Carta evidence of this. Unfortunately, King John tore up Magna Carta almost before the wax seals had dried, writing to the pope to have the charter declared void, leaving Alexander to join the baronial rebellion.

When Alexander came to terms with the government of Henry III in December 1217, he pressed for a resolution to the marriages of himself and his sisters, Margaret and Isabella, still languishing in English custody. In June 1220, at a meeting of King Henry III’s minority council, it was agreed that Margaret and Isabella would be married by October 1221 or allowed to return to Scotland.

King John had promised that Alexander would marry one of his daughters and Henry III, or rather his ministers, finally fulfilled this promise in June 1221, when his sister, Joan, was married to the Scots king at York. And it was probably at this event, when the Scottish and English royal families came together in celebration, that Margaret’s own future was finally resolved.

It was decided that she would marry Hubert de Burgh, the king’s justiciar and one of the leading figures of Henry III’s minority government. They were married in London on 3 October 1221, with King Henry himself giving the bride away. It was a major coup for Hubert de Burgh, who came from a gentry family rather than the higher echelons of the nobility; though it was a less prestigious match for Margaret, the daughter of a king. The couple had one child, a girl named Margaret but known as Megotta, who was probably born in the early 1220s.

Hubert de Burgh from Matthew Paris

Isabella, however, remained unmarried and returned to Scotland in November 1222. Isabella’s own marriage prospects may have been damaged by the relatively lowly marriage of her older sister. Nevertheless, Alexander II was keen to look after his sister’s interests and continued to search for a suitable husband. A letter from Henry III alludes to a possible match between Isabella and William (II) Marshal, Earl of Pembroke but the earl was, instead, married to the king’s own younger sister, Eleanor

Isabella’s future was finally settled in June 1225, when she married Roger Bigod, fourth Earl of Norfolk, at Alnwick in Northumberland. On 20 May, the archbishop of York was given respite from his debts in order to attend the wedding of the King of Scots’ sister:

Order to the barons of the Exchequer to place in respite, until 15 days from Michaelmas in the ninth year, the demand for debts they make by summons of the Exchequer from W. archbishop of York, because the archbishop has set out for Alnwick where he is to be present to celebrate the marriage between Roger, son and heir of Earl H. Bigod, and Isabella, sister of the King of Scots.

finerollshenry3.org.uk /content/calendar/roll_022.html#it204_001, 20 May
1225.

Roger was the young son of Hugh Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, who had died earlier in the year, and Matilda Marshal, eldest daughter of William Marshal, Earl of Pembroke. Roger was still a minor, aged about 13, and possibly as much as seventeen years his wife’s junior. In 1224 King Alexander II had levied an aid of 10,000 marks towards the costs of his sisters’ marriages, as well as contributing £1,000 towards Henry III’s 1225 expedition to Gascony, suggesting the Scots king was eager to see both his sisters comfortably settled.

At the time of the marriage, Roger’s wardship was in the hands of Henry III’s uncle, William Longespée, Earl of Salisbury, but it was transferred to King Alexander II in 1226, after Longespée’s death. Now in the custody of the king of Scots, Roger and Isabella moved to Scotland, living at the Scottish court until Roger attained his majority in 1233 and entered into his inheritance.

The Marshal coat of arms

Ten years after the sealing of Magna Carta, and 16 years after they had been taken hostage, the two Scottish princesses were both finally settled into marriage, though less exalted marriages than their father had wished and hoped for, with English barons, rather than princes or kings. Their younger sister, Marjorie, would also marry into the English nobility in 1235, becoming the wife of Gilbert Marshal, 3rd son of the famed William Marshal who had become Earl of Pembroke the previous year.

Marjorie died in 1244, Isabella in 1253 and Margaret, the eldest, in 1259. Rather unusually for princesses, who would often be married off in foreign lands and separated from family, the 3 sisters would share their final resting place and be buried at the Church of the Black Friars in London.

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Footnote:

1W.W. Scott, ‘Ermengarde de Beaumont (1233)’, Oxforddnb.com.

Images:

All images courtesy of Wikipedia except Magna Carta, which is ©2015 Sharon Bennett Connolly

Sources:

finerollshenry3.org.uk; W.W. Scott, ‘Ermengarde de Beaumont (1233)’, Oxforddnb.com; Marc Morris, King John; Jessica Nelson, ‘Isabella [Isabella Bigod], countess of Norfolk (b. 1195/1196, 1270)’, Oxforddnb.com; Nelson, Jessica A., ‘Isabella, Countess of Norfolk’, magnacarta800th.com; Louise J. Wilkinson, ‘Margaret, Princess of Scotland’, magnacarta800th.com; W.W. Scott, ‘Margaret, countess of Kent (b. 1187×1195, d. 1259)’, Oxforddnb.com; Keith Stringer, ‘Alexander II (1198–1249)’, Oxforddnb.com; Mackay, A.J.G. (ed.), The Historie and Chronicles of Scotland … by Robert Lindesay of Pitscottie; Ross, David, Scotland: History of a Nation; Church, Stephen, King John: England, Magna Carta and the Making of a Tyrant; Danziger, Danny and John Gillingham, 1215: The Year of Magna Carta; Crouch, David, William Marshal; The Story of Scotland by Nigel Tranter; Matthew Paris, Robert de Reading and others, Flores Historiarum, volume III.

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My Books

Signed, dedicated copies of all my books are available, please get in touch by completing the contact me form.

Defenders of the Norman Crown: The Rise and Fall of the Warenne Earls of Surrey tells the fascinating story of the Warenne dynasty, of the successes and failures of one of the most powerful families in England, from its origins in Normandy, through the Conquest, Magna Carta, the wars and marriages that led to its ultimate demise in the reign of Edward III. Defenders of the Norman Crown: Rise and Fall of the Warenne Earls of Surrey is now available from Pen & Sword BooksAmazon in the UK and US and Book Depository.

1 family. 8 earls. 300 years of English history!

Also by Sharon Bennett Connolly:

Ladies of Magna Carta: Women of Influence in Thirteenth Century England  looks into the relationships of the various noble families of the 13th century, and how they were affected by the Barons’ Wars, Magna Carta and its aftermath; the bonds that were formed and those that were broken. It is now available from Pen & SwordAmazon and from Book Depository worldwide.

Silk and the Sword: The Women of the Norman Conquest traces the fortunes of the women who had a significant role to play in the momentous events of 1066.  Available now from Amazon,  Amberley Publishing, Book Depository.

Heroines of the Medieval World tells the stories of some of the most remarkable women from Medieval history, from Eleanor of Aquitaine to Julian of Norwich. Available now from Amberley Publishing and Amazon and Book Depository.

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You can be the first to read new articles by clicking the ‘Follow’ button, liking our Facebook page or joining me on Twitter and Instagram.

©2020 Sharon Bennett Connolly

The Jilted Princess

JoanEngland
Joan of England, Queen of Scotland

Joan of England was the oldest of daughter of King John and his 2nd wife, Isabella of Angoulême. Born on 22 July 1210 she was the 3rd of 5 children; she had 2 older brothers and 2 younger sisters would join the family by 1215.

Even before her birth, she was mooted as a possible bride for Alexander of Scotland, son of King William I of Scotland. A verbal agreement between the 2 kings, after the Treaty of Norham, in 1209 provided for John to arrange the marriages of William’s 2 daughters, with 1 marrying a son of John’s, and Alexander marrying one of John’s daughters.

Following the death of William I a further treaty in 1212 agreed to the marriage of 14-year-old Alexander II to 2 year-old Joan. However, the agreement seems to have been made as a way of preventing Alexander from looking to the continent – and especially France – for a potential bride, and by extension allies.

It did not stop John from looking further afield, nevertheless, for a more favourable marriage alliance. Nor did it stop Alexander from siding with the Barons against King John; Alexander was one of the Magna Carta signatories. John refused a proposal from King Philip II of France, for his son John, and settled in 1214 for a marriage with his old enemies the de Lusignan’s.

In 1214 Joan was betrothed to Hugh X de Lusignan. Hugh was the son of John’s rival for the hand of Isabella in 1200; Isabella’s engagement to Hugh IX was broken off  in order for her to marry John. Following the betrothal Hugh, Lord of Lusignan and Count of La Marche, was given custody of Joan and of Saintes, Saintonge and the Isle of Oléron as pledges for her dowry. Joan was just 4 years old when she travelled to the south of France to live with her future husband’s family. She was away from England at the height of the Baron’s War, and at her father’s death in October 1216.

It’s possible she was reunited with her mother in 1217 when Isabella of Angoulême left England, abandoning her 4 other children, in order to govern her own lands in Angoulême.

In 1220 in a scandalous about-face Hugh repudiated Joan and married her mother, his father’s former betrothed. And poor 9-year-old Joan’s erstwhile future husband was now her step-father!

330px-Hugues_le_Brun
Hugh X de Lusignan, Joan’s betrothed and step-father

And worse was to come…

Instead of being sent back to England, as you would expect, Joan went from being Hugh’s betrothed – to being his prisoner. She was held hostage to ensure Hugh’s continued control of her dower lands, and to guarantee the transfer of his new wife’s dower, while England was withholding Queen Isabella’s dower against the return of Joan’s dower lands.

Negotiations to resolve the situation were ongoing. In the mean time, Henry III was already looking to arrange a new marriage for Joan. On 15th June 1220, in York, a conference between Alexander II and Henry III saw the Scots king agree to marry Joan, with a provision that he would marry Joan’s younger sister, Isabella, if Joan was not returned to England in time.

Negotiations for Joan’s return were long and difficult and not helped by the fact Hugh was threatening war in Poitou. Eventually, after Papal intervention, agreement was reached in October 1220 and Joan was surrendered to the English.

Joan and Alexander II were married on the 19th June 1221, at York Minster. Joan was just a month from her 11th birthday, while Alexander was 22. The archbishop of York performed the ceremony, which was witnessed Henry III and the great magnates of both realms. Henry III’s Pipe Rolls suggest the wedding was followed by 3 days of celebrations, costing £100. According to the Chronicle of Melrose ‘having celebrated the nuptials most splendidly, as was befitting, with all the natives of either realm rejoicing, [Alexander] conducted [Joan] to Scotland.’

York.mstr.
York Minster

The day before the wedding Alexander had assigned dower estates to Joan, worth an annual income of £1,000, including Jedburgh, Crail and Kinghorn. However, part of the dower was still held by Alexander’s mother, the dowager Queen Ermengarde, and Joan was not entitled to the income until after her mother-in-law’s death. This left Joan financially dependent on Alexander from the beginning.

There is a suggestion that Joan was not enamoured with Scotland and its society. She was hampered by her youth, her domineering mother-in-law and, eventually, by the fact she failed  to produce the desired heir. Her position was further hindered by tensions between her husband and brother from time to time.

In this, though, she seems to have found her purpose. Joan regularly acted as intermediary between the 2 kings. Alexander often used Joan’s personal letters to her brother as a way of communicating with Henry, while bypassing the formality of official correspondence between kings.

One such letter is a warning, possibly on behalf of Alexander’s constable, Alan of Galloway, of intelligence that Haakon IV of Norway was intending to aid Hugh de Lacy in Ireland. In the same letter she assured Henry that no one from Scotland would be going to Ireland to fight against Henry’s interests. Another letter, this time from Henry, was of a more personal nature, written in February 1235 it informed Joan of the marriage of their “beloved sister” Isabella to the holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, news at which he knew Joan “would greatly rejoice”.

In December 1235 Alexander and Joan were summoned to London, possibly for the coronation of Henry’s new queen, Eleanor of Provence. This would have been a long and arduous journey for the Scots monarchs, especially in the deepest part of winter.

Henry’s use of Joan as an intermediary suggests she did have some influence over her husband, this theory is supported by the fact that Joan accompanied Alexander to negotiations with the English king, at Newcastle in September 1236 and again at York in September 1237.

In 1234 Henry had granted Joan Fenstanton in Huntingdonshire and during the 1236 negotiations she was granted Driffield in Yorkshire, giving Joan an income independent of Scotland. Many have seen this as an indication that Joan was intending to spend more time in England, especially seeing as the chronicler Matthew Paris hints at an estrangement, although we cannot be certain.

330px-Alexander_II_(Alba)_i
Alexander II

The 1236 and 1237 councils were attempts at resolving the ongoing claims of Alexander that King John had agreed to gift Northumberland to Alexander as part of the marriage contract between Alexander and Joan. Henry, of course, denied this. With the mediation of a papal legate, agreement was eventually reached in York at the 1237 council, with both queens present, when Alexander gave up the claim to Northumberland in return for lands in the northern counties with an annual income of £200.

Following the 1237 council Joan and her sister-in-law Eleanor of Provence departed on pilgrimage to the shrine of Thomas Becket at Canterbury. Given that Joan was now 27 and Eleanor already married for 2 years, it is possible both women were praying for children, and an heir.

Joan stayed in England for the rest of the year; much of the stay seems to have been informal and pleasurable. She spent Christmas at Henry’s court and was given new robes for herself, her clerks and servants, in addition to gifts of does and wine. Her widowed sister Eleanor, Countess of Pembroke, was present, along with the Countess of Chester and Joan’s cousin, the captive Eleanor of Brittany.

In late January arrangements were being made for Joan’s return to Scotland, but she fell ill before she could travel north. Still only 27 years of age Joan died on 4th March 1238 at Havering-atte-Bower in Essex, her brothers, King Henry III and Richard, Earl of Cornwall, were at her side.

HenryIII
Henry III

According to Matthew Paris ‘her death was grievous, however she merited less mourning, because she refused to return [to Scotland] although often summoned back by her husband’. And even in death Joan elected to stay in England. her will requested that she be buried at the Cistercian nunnery of Tarrant in Dorset.

The convent benefited greatly from Henry III’s almsgiving for the soul of his sister; in 1252, over 13 years after her death, the king ordered a marble effigy to be made for her tomb (which unfortunately has not survived).

Talking of her wedding day, the Chronicle of Lanercost had described Joan as ‘a girl still of a young age, but when she was an adult of comely beauty.’

Alexander II married again just over a year after Joan’s death, to Marie de Coucy and their son, Alexander III, the longed-for heir, was born in 1241. Alexander II died of a fever in 1249.

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Pictures courtesy of Wikipedia

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Sources: The Oxford Companion to British History Edited by John Cannon; The Plantagenets, the Kings who Made England by Dan Jones; History Today Companion to British History Edited by Juliet Gardiner and Neil Wenborn;  Brewer’s British Royalty by David Williamson; Britain’s Royal Families, the Complete Genealogy by Alison Weir; The Plantagenet Chronicles Edited by Elizabeth Hallam; The Mammoth Book of British Kings and Queens by Mike Ashley; The Plantagenets, the Kings that made Britain by Derek Wilson; England Under the Norman and Angevin Kings  by Robert Bartlett; http://www.britannica.com; oxforddnb.com; finerollshenry3.org.uk.

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©2015 Sharon Bennett Connolly